- Discuss how gender issues became racial issues by the turn of the 20th century in China. Please share with us your views on how racial and gender issues are related. You can discuss any culture or personal experiences.
- In your view, what was the appeal of militant nationalism to China and other parts of Asia (e.g. Japan & Korea) at the turn of the 20th century? How do you think Asians and Westerners might perceive militant nationalism differently?
- In your view, what was the appeal of militant nationalism to China and other parts of Asia (e.g. Japan & Korea) at the turn of the 20th century? How do you think Asians and Westerners might perceive militant nationalism differently?
- How do you think the notions of slave mentality and complacency affect Chinese and foreign perceptions of China? Do you think the West is still holding onto these beliefs about China and Asia?
- Today, we talked about how Enlightenment and Confucianst thinking marginalize women while claiming to be universally valid. Please discuss ways in which the rhetoric of universality potentially marginalizes and disadvantages different social groups. You can discuss any culture from any time period.
- Many Chinese poeple would argue that you can’t “truly” understand writings like the Golden Cangue unless you know Chinese and Chinese culture very well. In your view, what are some elements of the Golden Cangue that are international? What might be some elements that are very specific to Chinese culture and beyond the grasp of foreigners? Through this fiction, do you think Eileen Chang can be considered an international author with the potential of an international market? Or is her writing too specific to Chinese culture for her to go international like Lu Xun?
Sample Solution
may be based on the Kelsenian and American models, however, all are subject to the unique political tensions of their jurisdictions. In fact, the constitutional settings of continental European countries differ so significantly, that their raison dâêtre range from constitutional rights protection in Germany, to monitoring devolutionary powers in Spain and balancing governmental powers in France. Under current procedures, the UKSC exhibits too many fundamental differences to its European counterparts to be termed a CC; specifically, it lacks independence from the judicial branch to act as broker of conflicts between the branches (French raison dâêtre) and the ability to enforce the constitution against unconstitutional legislation (German raison dâêtre). Yet, its similarities â constitutional statutes, ECHR application, devolved competences and application of EU law â can be deemed sufficient to allow for a detailed comparison with the European CCs in order to bring to the fore areas of reform. 1) Aspects of the UKSC layout that should be reformed, based on comparative experience Judicial appointments: election procedures; background of judges; tenure Whilst UKSC justices are subject to less politically charged selection procedures then some of its European counterparts, the nominations from the JAC have been criticised for being overtly introverted and impervious to the public sentiment. Although the objectives of the CRA, Schedule 14, signal a move towards greater separation of powers as well as selection based purely on merit and not political bias, for the UKSC to permissibly defend peoplesâ basic rights against Parliament, the bench must itself have democratic legitimacy, typically achieved through appointment by elected officials or after bargaining among political parties. To prevent the SC from becoming a political tool to advance governmental objectives and âbehave (â¦) as partisans and not as judgesâ, Stone suggests that the party in power should be denied a veto, justices instead being approved by a majority ruling in both houses of Parliament â this procedure is currently successfully practiced in Poland and Germany. CCs abroad typically appoint a combination of politicians, academics and ordinary judges to establish a more democratic and specialised outlook on politically and constitutionally sensitive issues. There has been some support that a reformed UKSC should also echo such a diversity in backgrounds, not le>
may be based on the Kelsenian and American models, however, all are subject to the unique political tensions of their jurisdictions. In fact, the constitutional settings of continental European countries differ so significantly, that their raison dâêtre range from constitutional rights protection in Germany, to monitoring devolutionary powers in Spain and balancing governmental powers in France. Under current procedures, the UKSC exhibits too many fundamental differences to its European counterparts to be termed a CC; specifically, it lacks independence from the judicial branch to act as broker of conflicts between the branches (French raison dâêtre) and the ability to enforce the constitution against unconstitutional legislation (German raison dâêtre). Yet, its similarities â constitutional statutes, ECHR application, devolved competences and application of EU law â can be deemed sufficient to allow for a detailed comparison with the European CCs in order to bring to the fore areas of reform. 1) Aspects of the UKSC layout that should be reformed, based on comparative experience Judicial appointments: election procedures; background of judges; tenure Whilst UKSC justices are subject to less politically charged selection procedures then some of its European counterparts, the nominations from the JAC have been criticised for being overtly introverted and impervious to the public sentiment. Although the objectives of the CRA, Schedule 14, signal a move towards greater separation of powers as well as selection based purely on merit and not political bias, for the UKSC to permissibly defend peoplesâ basic rights against Parliament, the bench must itself have democratic legitimacy, typically achieved through appointment by elected officials or after bargaining among political parties. To prevent the SC from becoming a political tool to advance governmental objectives and âbehave (â¦) as partisans and not as judgesâ, Stone suggests that the party in power should be denied a veto, justices instead being approved by a majority ruling in both houses of Parliament â this procedure is currently successfully practiced in Poland and Germany. CCs abroad typically appoint a combination of politicians, academics and ordinary judges to establish a more democratic and specialised outlook on politically and constitutionally sensitive issues. There has been some support that a reformed UKSC should also echo such a diversity in backgrounds, not le>
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