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“Spatial Development and Urban Policy”
“Spatial Development and Urban Policy”
The newly established research team in Spatial Development and Urban Policy is developing a research agenda in participatory urban governance that studies citizens’ preferences of large-scale urban infrastructure projects via survey research. The realization of large urban infrastructure projects is necessary to achieve long-term planning goals, yet such projects are frequently contested by citizens and they should meet democratic principles such as citizen participation, transparency and legitimacy.
Please use some recent research conducting in ETH Zurich Participatory Urban Governance department (especially with above agenda mentioned)
And if possible, please includes some sentence sounds-like following points are involved.
1) Interest in urban governance, participation and survey research; 2) Good knowledge of quantitative methods as well as an interest in further developing methodological skills. Experience in survey research is an asset. 3) Motivation to pursue an academic career.
Sample Solution
ways in which the same word can be spelt. The vocabulary, in other words, the words or phrases used in “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” Mauritian Creole is interesting to examine. M.Vaughan investigates the languageâs slave roots. Accor “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” ding to her, the linguist and folklorist Charles Baissac reports how Creole uses âguetterâ (to look for) instead of âregarderâ (look). Similarly, âroderâ (to prowl) means âchercherâ (to search in French). Nouns are also important in Mauritian Creole as they do not change when they are pluralis “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” ed. As a consequence, whether a noun is singular or plural can only be verified by the context. For example, the word âbanâ is put before the noun in order to change the sentence to the plural form, âban dimouneâ meaning those people, whilst âdimouneâ on its own would mean people. Even though the French âun/uneâ is “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” equivalent to the Mauritian âenâ, the way in which it can be used is different. In Creole the article âlaâ is used, however it is placed after the noun it changes. In French you would say, âun chatâ, âle chatâ, âles chatsâ, whilst in Mauritian you would say âen chatâ, âchats-laâ, ban-chats.â Whether or not the pronoun is the subject, object, possessive, male or female, there is only one word whic “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” h is used to describe these. This word is âliâ, which can be used to describe he, she, him, her, it or hers. There are also words which are used in sentences to indicate the tenses. For past tense, the word âtiâ is used before the action, âfinâ is used to mark the perfect tense, and âvaâ for future. The syntax of Mauritian Creole, especially the use of their question words is also interesting to note, which DeGraff explains in his book. The way in which Creole contrasts with both the English and French language is that it does not have a âsubject-auxiliary inversion in connection with wh-movement.â(DeGraff P78) For example, if we directly translate the phrase âki u ule fer dinmen?â, it would be âwhat you want make tomorrow?â, and in idiomatic English, âwhat do you want to do tomorrow?â(P78) Another example would be, âkan nu ti fer fet la?â, directly meaning âwhen we TNS make party DET?âand in idiomatic English, âwhen did we have the party?â(P78) DeGraff continues to comment that âmost question words are created in Mauritian Creole by prefixing âkiâ to nouns of time, place, way and so on, which are drawn from the French lexicon.â(DeGraff P78) He then follows on by explaining âsuch a bio morphemic way of forming wh-words appears to be typical for Creole languages.â(DeGraff P78) On the other hand, while it seems that some structural elements of Mauritian Creole are typical of creoles in general, it is important to note that Mauritian Creole is not entirely typical of Creole languages. We can take H.Wekkerâs opinion on this when he comments that typically âcreolization is best described as a gradual process of language formation, involving a period of bilingualism in which substrate features will be transmitted.â(Wekker,H P140) He also discusses about âabrupt creolizationâas a way for development when there is âextremely limited accessâto the main language, but that this manner of development of a Creole language is âthe exception rather than the rule.â(P141) However, we can consider that according to some theorists, Mauritian Creole is a perfec “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” t example of this kind of abrupt creolisation, whereby the language is a âradical creole.â (DeGraff P77). As a matter of fact in Sebbaâs book, she discusses how in 1773, it was stated in a newspaper advertisement how a lost slave did not understand the Creole language. This therefore indicates that twenty two years after the slaves were first imported to Mauritius, âan identifiable local language had developed,â(Sebba P142) which caused the slaves difficulty in comprehending. Without a doubt, this means that it can be said that this language is not essentially typic “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” al of the Creole languages in general as Mauritian Creole seemed to have developed very quickly and not necessarily derived from a pidgin language. Baker and Corne also suggest this in their book, as they believe that Mauritian Creole originated on the island of>
ways in which the same word can be spelt. The vocabulary, in other words, the words or phrases used in “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” Mauritian Creole is interesting to examine. M.Vaughan investigates the languageâs slave roots. According to her, the linguist and folklorist Charles Baissac reports how Creole uses âguetterâ (to look for) instead of âregarderâ (look). Similarly, âroderâ (to prowl) means âchercherâ (to search in French). Nouns are also important in Mauritian Creole as they do not change when they are pluralised. As a consequence, whether a noun is singular or plural can only be verified by the context. For example, the word âbanâ is put before the noun in order to change the sentence to the plural form, âban dimouneâ meaning those people, whilst âdimouneâ on its own would mean people. Even though the French âun/uneâ is equivalent to the Mauritian âenâ, the way in which it can be used is different. In Creole the article âlaâ is used, however it is placed after the noun it changes. In French you would say, âun chatâ, âle chatâ, âles chatsâ, whilst in Mauritian you would say âen chatâ, âchats-laâ, ban-chats.â Whether or not the pronoun is the subject, object, possessive, male or female, there is only one word which is used to describe these. This word is âliâ, which can be used to describe he, she, him, her, it or hers. There are also words which are used in sentences to indicate the ten “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” ses. For past tense, the word âtiâ is used before the action, âfinâ is used to mark the perfect tense, and âvaâ for future. The syntax of Mauritian Creole, especially the use of their question words is also interesting to note, which DeGraff explains in his book. The way in which Creole contrasts with both the English and French language is that it does not have a âsubject-auxiliary inversion in connection with wh-movement.â(DeGraff P78) For example, if we directly translate the phrase âki u ule fer dinmen?â, it would be âwhat you want make tomorrow?â, and in idiomatic English, âwhat do you want to do tomorrow?â(P78) Another example would be, âkan nu ti fer fet la?â, directly meaning âwhen we TNS make party DET?âand in idiomatic English, âwhen did we have the party?â(P78) DeGraff continues to comment that âmost question words are created in Mauritian Creole by prefixing âkiâ to nouns of time, place, way and so on, which are drawn from the French lexicon.â(DeGraff P78) He then follows on by explaining âsuch a bio morphemic way of forming wh-words appears to be typical for Creole languages.â(DeGraff P78) On the other hand, while it seems that some structural elements of Mauritia “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” n Creole are typical of creoles in general, it is important to note that Mauritian Creole is not entirely typical of Creole languages. We can take H.Wekkerâs opinion on this when he comments that typically âcreolization is best described as a gradual process of language formation, involving a period of bilingualism in which substrate features will be transmitted.â(Wekker,H P140) He also discusses about âabrupt creolizationâas a way for development when there is âextremely limited accessâto the main language, but that this manner of development of a Creole language is âthe exception rather than the rule.â(P141) However, we can consider that according to some theorists, Mauritian Creole is a perfect example of this kind of abrupt “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” creolisation, whereby the language is a âradical creole.â (DeGraff P77). As a matter of fact in Sebbaâs book, she discusses how in 1773, it was stated in a newspaper advertisement how a lost slave did not understand the Creole language. This therefore indicates that twenty two years after the slaves were first imported to Mauritius, âan identifiable local language had developed,â(Sebba P142) which caused the slaves difficulty in comprehending. Without a doubt, this means that it can be said that this language is not essentially typical of the Creole languages in general as Mauritian Creole seemed to ha “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” ve developed very qu “Spatial Development and Urban Policy” ickly and not necessarily derived from a pidgin language. Baker and Corne also suggest this in their book, as they believe that Mauritian Creole originated on the island of>
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