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We can work on Pronunciation Practice
If you work in the health professions field, you will likely have plenty of opportunities to hear and speak unfamiliar terms during work. If you do not, it is important to practice and learn in other ways. Lecture I demonstrated a simple google dictionary tool that speaks terms allowing you to listen, learn, and practice them.Use the tools available to share proper pronunciation of medical terms with peers.Include the following aspects in the discussion:
Choose ten challenging words from the body systems this week (the terms should be long, complex, and contain a prefix, suffix, or both) Access the google speaking dictionary Practice as often as is necessary for you to become fluent in speaking the terms with correct pronunciation Record the terms using a voice recording tool of your choice (must be able to submit a link to your recording) Submit the terms written out and your recording link to the discussion board. Critique peerâs pronunciation. Would it provide safe communication?
Sample Solution
Page 80-1). Most importantly, Frowe further refutes Vittola through his claim that âright intention cannot be used as an excuse to wage war in response to anticipated wrong,â suggesting we cannot just harm another just because they have done something unjust. Other factors need to be considered, for example, Proportionality. Thirdly, Vittola argues that war should be avoided (Begby et al (2006b), Page 332) and that we should proceed circumstances diplomatically. This is supported by the âlast resortâ stance in Frowe, where war should not be permitted unless all measures to seek diplomacy fails (Frowe (2011), Page 62). This means war shouldnât be declared until one party has no choice but to declare war, in order to protect its territory and rights, the aim of war. However, we can also argue that the war can never be the last resort, given there is always a way to try to avoid it, like sanctions or appeasement, showing Vittolaâs theory is flawed. Fourthly, Vittola questions upon whose authority can demand a declaration of war, where he implies any commonwealth can go to war, but more importantly, âthe princeâ where he has âthe natural orderâ according to Augustine, and all authority is given to him. This is further supported by Aristotleâs Politics ((1996), Page 28): âa king is the natural superior of his subjects.â However, he does later emphasise to put all faith in the prince is wrong and has consequences; a thorough examination of the cause of war is required along with the willingness to negotiate rival party (Begby et al (2006b), Page 312& 318). This is supported by the actions of Hitler are deemed unjustly. Also, in todayâs world, wars are no longer fought only by states but also non-state actors like Al-Queda and ISIS, showing Vittolaâs normative claim on authority is outdated. This is further supported by Froweâs claim that the leader needs to represent the peopleâs interests, under legitimate authority, which links on to the fourth condition: Public declaration of war. Agreed with many, there must be an official announcement on a declaration of war (Frowe (2011), Page 59-60&63). Finally, the most controversial condition is that wars should have a reasonable chance of success. As Vittola reiterated, the aim of war is to establish peace and security; securing the public good. If this canât be achieved, Frowe argues it would be better to surrender to the enemy. This can be justified bec>
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Page 80-1). Most importantly, Frowe further refutes Vittola through his claim that âright intention cannot be used as an excuse to wage war in response to anticipated wrong,â suggesting we cannot just harm another just because they have done something unjust. Other factors need to be considered, for example, Proportionality. Thirdly, Vittola argues that war should be avoided (Begby et al (2006b), Page 332) and that we should proceed circumstances diplomatically. This is supported by the âlast resortâ stance in Frowe, where war should not be permitted unless all measures to seek diplomacy fails (Frowe (2011), Page 62). This means war shouldnât be declared until one party has no choice but to declare war, in order to protect its territory and rights, the aim of war. However, we can also argue that the war can never be the last resort, given there is always a way to try to avoid it, like sanctions or appeasement, showing Vittolaâs theory is flawed. Fourthly, Vittola questions upon whose authority can demand a declaration of war, where he implies any commonwealth can go to war, but more importantly, âthe princeâ where he has âthe natural orderâ according to Augustine, and all authority is given to him. This is further supported by Aristotleâs Politics ((1996), Page 28): âa king is the natural superior of his subjects.â However, he does later emphasise to put all faith in the prince is wrong and has consequences; a thorough examination of the cause of war is required along with the willingness to negotiate rival party (Begby et al (2006b), Page 312& 318). This is supported by the actions of Hitler are deemed unjustly. Also, in todayâs world, wars are no longer fought only by states but also non-state actors like Al-Queda and ISIS, showing Vittolaâs normative claim on authority is outdated. This is further supported by Froweâs claim that the leader needs to represent the peopleâs interests, under legitimate authority, which links on to the fourth condition: Public declaration of war. Agreed with many, there must be an official announcement on a declaration of war (Frowe (2011), Page 59-60&63). Finally, the most controversial condition is that wars should have a reasonable chance of success. As Vittola reiterated, the aim of war is to establish peace and security; securing the public good. If this canât be achieved, Frowe argues it would be better to surrender to the enemy. This can be justified bec>
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