Choose one question from the following:
- Identify political efficacy. Then elaborate on the fundamentals that are necessary for political efficacy, and why these principles are important. You may want to talk about the complications involved with political efficacy and public participation in politics.
- Identify Plessy v. Ferguson. Then discuss the Supreme Court case that overturned this ruling. Although the effect of this ruling was not apparent in the public sphere, discuss historical and political events surrounding civil rights that led to significant changes for African Americans. What were specific social protests? Acts? What were some of the political consequences of this legislation?
- Beginning with British taxation, discuss important events that led to the founding of the Constitution. You will want to talk about specific rebellions, the Declaration of Independence, Articles of Confederation. How were these events linked? What were some of the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation? What was the Great Compromise? How were slaves counted as part of the representative process?
- Identify affirmative action. Discuss why or why not you think affirmative action is constitutional. What are some of the bipartisan debates surrounding affirmative action? What legislation has been passed in support or against affirmative action? You can support your argument with your own opinion, but be sure to cite your reasons.
Sample Solution
democratic regimes. In many non-democratic countries today, an abundance of wealth held by the ruling elites compared with poverty among the masses helps dictatorships resist democratisation. Often, the ruling elites spend large portions of the funds available to them on suppressing resistance, for example, âChina reportedly employs two million censors to police the internet (Bennett and Naim 2015)â[4], while in Peru under Fujimori, âthe regime paid more than $36 million a year to the main television channels to skew their coverage, and reportedly offered one channel a $19 million bribe (McMillan and Zoido 2004, pp.82-5)â[4]. This has an opportunity cost; spending on investment and development of industries is foregone, often leaving the citizens of a non-democratic regime stuck in the early stages of Walter Rostowâs 5 Stages of Growth Theory, as shown in Figure 2, which can leave countries primary- or secondary-sector dependent and under-developed. As John Harriss describes, such âeconomic development [is] conducive to democratisation, partly because [it] strengthens the âmoderateâ middle classâ[5]: a social group of people who are better educated and financially-placed to resist being âbought-offâ by a dictator. Emerging middle classes therefore diminish the extent to which non-democratic leaders can bribe their winning coalition with private goods, as the prospect of doing so becomes increasingly expensive as the size and wealth of the middle classes grow as a result of development, while the loyalty norm weakens too. We may also see a rise in post-materialist values as the population becomes wealthier, since âafter a period of sharply rising economic and physical security, one would expect to find substantial differences [in] value priorities, [â¦] for example, post-materialists [â¦] are markedly more tolerant of homosexualityâ[6]. This could erode the extent to which the population would be morally willing to accept such bribes, regardless of magnitude. Subsequently, economic development might lead to the demise o>
democratic regimes. In many non-democratic countries today, an abundance of wealth held by the ruling elites compared with poverty among the masses helps dictatorships resist democratisation. Often, the ruling elites spend large portions of the funds available to them on suppressing resistance, for example, âChina reportedly employs two million censors to police the internet (Bennett and Naim 2015)â[4], while in Peru under Fujimori, âthe regime paid more than $36 million a year to the main television channels to skew their coverage, and reportedly offered one channel a $19 million bribe (McMillan and Zoido 2004, pp.82-5)â[4]. This has an opportunity cost; spending on investment and development of industries is foregone, often leaving the citizens of a non-democratic regime stuck in the early stages of Walter Rostowâs 5 Stages of Growth Theory, as shown in Figure 2, which can leave countries primary- or secondary-sector dependent and under-developed. As John Harriss describes, such âeconomic development [is] conducive to democratisation, partly because [it] strengthens the âmoderateâ middle classâ[5]: a social group of people who are better educated and financially-placed to resist being âbought-offâ by a dictator. Emerging middle classes therefore diminish the extent to which non-democratic leaders can bribe their winning coalition with private goods, as the prospect of doing so becomes increasingly expensive as the size and wealth of the middle classes grow as a result of development, while the loyalty norm weakens too. We may also see a rise in post-materialist values as the population becomes wealthier, since âafter a period of sharply rising economic and physical security, one would expect to find substantial differences [in] value priorities, [â¦] for example, post-materialists [â¦] are markedly more tolerant of homosexualityâ[6]. This could erode the extent to which the population would be morally willing to accept such bribes, regardless of magnitude. Subsequently, economic development might lead to the demise o>
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