Moon Journal Data Analysis and Report.
Having collected an extensive data set of observations of the Moon our next job is to analyze that data. For this part of the exercise we will use the data set of the entire class, which is available on the course Canvas site as the Moon Log Summer 2019 (next after this page). Your job is to answer the following questions about the Moon using only this data set. For each of the things I ask you to figure out you are expected to back up your answer with data from the Moon log.
For instance, if I asked you how many days there were from one full moon to the next a good answer would be:
The Moon was full on February 18th, March 19th , and April 17th. There are 29 days from February 18th to March 19th and 29 days from March 19th until April 17th so there must be 29 days between full moons.
Grades for this portion of the exercise will be based on whether your answers are correct and how good your evidence is for each conclusion. Please use proper grammar with complete sentences and appropriate punctuation. Remember that it is necessary to participate in the Moon Journal exercise to pass this class. If you failed to turn in observations it is even more imperative that you do this portion of the exercise.
Each question will be graded on the following rubric:
Has no data in support of the argument or is not answered at all.
0 points
Contains data but is poorly argued or comes
to an incorrect result. 1 point
Contains a correct argument well supported by data. 2 points
Notice the emphasis on data. I canât say this clearly enough. The exercise is about learning to analyze data and only tangentially about the Moon. Be prepared for the possibility that real Moon cycles are more complicated than the model we built in week 3.
While I call this a report, your goal is just to answer to the questions. You donât need to include things like an introduction or conclusion. Just write clear and complete answers to the questions themselves.
The 9 questions are listed below. Some will be simpler to prove than others.
Questions:
1.) (Double Points) How many different phases of the Moon were seen and in what order do the phases occur? Use the dates and images in the database to show how the visible surface of the Moon changes over time throughout a cycle. It doesn’t matter where in the cycle you start but demonstrate what the different shapes are, what they are called, and what order they come in.
2.) Is the Moon only visible at night?
3.) How many days pass between once 3rd quarter Moon through the cycle of phases to the next 3rd quarter Moon? Does it take the same length of time for other phases to repeat themselves?
4.) Which direction does the Moon move across the sky during one day (or 12 hour period)?
5.) During what part of the day (morning, afternoon, etc.) does a waxing crescent Moon set? the waning gibbous?
6.) During what part of the day does a full Moon rise? When is the waning crescent in the south, halfway between rising and setting?
7.) Does the Moon rise and set at the same time each day? (hint: questions 5 and 6 will leave you with good data to answer this question but please include the data in your answer here rather than just saying that it is elsewhere in the report.)
8.) How does the orientation of the moon (which way the face of the Moon is rotated) change when it is in the east vs. when it is south or west. (There is a photo file on the main page to help you understand this question.)
9.) What phase of the Moon was/were spotted most often in the morning between 6 am and noon. Here you should count up to see which was really most often reported.
Sample Solution
Theory, morals and law are frequently considered at the cutting edge of human rights. Inferable from the interdisciplinary idea of human rights these methodologies have taken a more grounded nearness in the field, in this way taking note of an absence of political measurements. This disregard of human rights in the order of political theory was seen between the selection of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 (UDHR) and the mid-1970s. Freeman (2017) clarifies this is because of two significant impacts in political theory: authenticity and positivism. He recommends that “‘[r]ealism encouraged that legislative issues was overwhelmingly the quest for power and that moral contemplations, for example, human rights, played all things considered a peripheral job⦠[p]ositivism instructed that social researchers ought to take out moral decisions from their work since they were informal”. Notwithstanding, as years past and human rights turned out to be progressively notable, political theory has become progressively significant particularly in global legislative issues. Landman’s (2005) model of the International Human Rights Regime features the way that universal human rights should be comprehended through various points of view including worldwide law, global relations and similar legislative issues. This is especially significant as there is regularly a misguided judgment that law is at the bleeding edge of human rights. In spite of the fact that law and legislative issues are between related, legitimate researchers essentially make decisions on whether the law has been damaged or watched, political specialists, then again, clarify why and how the law is abused or watched. Political theory takes a gander at speculations that manage the truth of the world by expanding upon a wide range of strategies from sociologies. This goes past the extent of proposing what ought to occur or what could occur on the planet, and rather what’s going on the planet. Political specialists carry sociology techniques to justify conduct through proof so as to recognize key impacts and causal components. These, consequently, distinguish techniques through which human rights can most effectively be advanced. This exposition looks to sparkle a light and separate complex bits of knowledge that political theory gives in its way to deal with human rights. Subjects talked about incorporate research perceptions on whether worldwide human rights instruments have assumed a job in ensuring human rights, Risse, Ropp and Sikkink’s (1999) ‘winding model’ and whether it builds up a general hypothesis of human rights change and the idea of human security and whether this can possibly sabotage human rights. These give fundamental research in the field of human rights and is essential as it goes further in its comprehension of human rights and states conduct. Probably the greatest inquiry that emerge as far as human rights, is whether universal human rights instruments genuinely work in ensuring and advancing human rights. So as to decide this, watching nations that have endorsed settlements and affirmations is significant as it can help measure the adequacy of such instruments. While some human rights backers might be careful of these tests, this kind of examination can offer bits of knowledge into the comprehension of human rights. Tests regularly have three significant attributes: control estimations, control of the autonomous variable, and irregular task to condition (McDermott, 2002). Utilizing trial inquire about techniques to consider the effect and adequacy of human rights can give a clarification with regards to why rights are damaged and takes into account a potential assurance to the potential reasons for human rights manhandles. There has been a variety of tests led that help decides if worldwide human rights instruments really advance the usage of human rights into national arrangement. Linda Camp Keith (1999) perception on in the case of turning into a part state to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and its Optional Protocol affected the state’s conduct prompted intriguing outcomes. Her investigation was led on 178 nations over an eighteen-year time span from 1976-1993. Discoveries prompted the end that in spite of sanction of the ICCPR and its Optional Protocol, there was no critical distinction in conduct from states when turning out to be state gatherings to the shows. In like manner, whether or not states have confirmed a legitimately restricting show, it doesn’t really mean they are eager to oblige. This is disturbing as frequently expresses that sign Optional Protocol’s for the most part show an improvement in their human rights execution as it proposes a ‘thick duty’ to human rights (Hill, 2010; Cole 2012). This is because of the reality the Optional Protocol takes into consideration an individual objections technique which would suggest its promise to the significant human rights instrument. It might, subsequently, be excessively hopeful to assume that being involved with a worldwide instrument will significantly affect states conduct. This backings numerous researchers who propose that universal systems are naturally feeble and that they just serve a special or mingling capacity rather than an apparatus that advances rights (Donnelly, 1989; Forsythe, 1991; Opsahl, 1995; Robertson, 1981). States can perceive these shortcomings which may urge them to endorse universal contracts as there is to a lesser degree a danger to their sway or their continuation of approaches that may damage singular rights. Their sanction is subsequently only an open connection stunt as opposed to an approach to show their arrangements are changing as far as guaranteeing human rights are advanced and ensured. Political theory has subsequently featured that in spite of the fact that law endeavors to improve states commitment to human rights, it doesn’t really take a shot at the ground. Nonetheless, what the examination took into thought were the residential circumstances that may confront the state itself which has meddled with their dedication or diminishes their will to stay aware of their commitment for example national and non-worldwide equipped clash. Studies have recommended that household dangers have expanded the likelihood of state suppression because of its impedance with great administration (Alfatooni and Allen, 1991; Davenport, 1995, Poe et al., 1996, 1997). Universal furnished clash is another genuine danger which frequently propels systems to depend on political abuse so as to guarantee household request is flawless all through a highly sensitive situation (Gurr, 1986). With the different worldwide and non-universal clashes happening far and wide at the time the investigation was taken, Eastern Europe for instance, it would clarify why a few states didn’t agree to the ICCPR and its Optional Protocol as it might destabilize the legislature. In occasions of national security states regularly utilize oppressive procedures so as to guarantee that force and control are kept up. In spite of the fact that this can cause different human rights mishandles, national security is frequently observed as significant so as to keep dependabilityâregardless of whether states blame this so as to disregard rights is flawed. In any case, it is likewise essential to take note of that executing these assurances can be a long procedure. It doesn’t really imply that nations are reluctant or incapable to actualize them into their framework, it might mean the state has acknowledged these universal principles and are bit by bit following up on them. Political theory consequently permits us to see the improvement of human rights in certain states. According to Camp Keith’s discoveries human rights securities among part conditions of worldwide shows is no better than non-party states, recommending a fundamental explanation regarding why states don’t fit in with global gauges. Besides, James Vreeland’s (2008) study found that the individuals who marked the UN (United Nations) Convention Against Torture (CAT) were bound to rehearse torment. His investigation demonstrated that tyrannies that subject people to torment are bound to consent CAT than fascisms that don’t practice torment. Torment was bound to emerge when there was shared force and separated relying upon the system type. Discoveries demonstrated that majority rule governments demonstrated unassuming advancement, a tyranny that had no space for restriction had no changing impacts and states with serious fascisms indicated a more regrettable level of torment after the confirmation of CAT. This is because of the way that there are various ideological groups in serious tyrannies along these lines ideological groups use their capacity and weight systems into agreeing to the CAT (on the same page). Forcing the decision governments into confirming worldwide instruments prompts vulnerability as it doesn’t induce they are eager to oblige. Vote based states, then again, are bound to be receptive to its residents, furnish residents with devices to oust potential injurious pioneers from turning into a genuine danger and make it simpler for residents to expose endeavors of suppression around the world (Henderson, 1991; Poe and Tate, 1994). In spite of the fact that it is essential for political specialists to accommodate an away from of majority rules system â, for example, those given by Bollen (1980) or Gurr (1995) â examine has indicated popular governments which depend on common and political rights, for example, free discourse, decline an administration’s utilization of political constraint. In this way, building up what arrangement of administration a state use is crucial so as to gauge the likeliness of securing and advancing human rights. This is frequently overlooked through lawful ways to deal with human rights as it is accepted that sanctioning bargains compares to actualizing worldwide standards into local enactment. Further investigations on the endorsement of CAT bolsters Vreeland in that expresses that confirmed CAT was bound to torment than non-approving states (Hill, 2010; Cole, 2012). In spite of the fact that the above examinations were directed almo>
Theory, morals and law are frequently considered at the cutting edge of human rights. Inferable from the interdisciplinary idea of human rights these methodologies have taken a more grounded nearness in the field, in this way taking note of an absence of political measurements. This disregard of human rights in the order of political theory was seen between the selection of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 (UDHR) and the mid-1970s. Freeman (2017) clarifies this is because of two significant impacts in political theory: authenticity and positivism. He recommends that “‘[r]ealism encouraged that legislative issues was overwhelmingly the quest for power and that moral contemplations, for example, human rights, played all things considered a peripheral job⦠[p]ositivism instructed that social researchers ought to take out moral decisions from their work since they were informal”. Notwithstanding, as years past and human rights turned out to be progressively notable, political theory has become progressively significant particularly in global legislative issues. Landman’s (2005) model of the International Human Rights Regime features the way that universal human rights should be comprehended through various points of view including worldwide law, global relations and similar legislative issues. This is especially significant as there is regularly a misguided judgment that law is at the bleeding edge of human rights. In spite of the fact that law and legislative issues are between related, legitimate researchers essentially make decisions on whether the law has been damaged or watched, political specialists, then again, clarify why and how the law is abused or watched. Political theory takes a gander at speculations that manage the truth of the world by expanding upon a wide range of strategies from sociologies. This goes past the extent of proposing what ought to occur or what could occur on the planet, and rather what’s going on the planet. Political specialists carry sociology techniques to justify conduct through proof so as to recognize key impacts and causal components. These, consequently, distinguish techniques through which human rights can most effectively be advanced. This exposition looks to sparkle a light and separate complex bits of knowledge that political theory gives in its way to deal with human rights. Subjects talked about incorporate research perceptions on whether worldwide human rights instruments have assumed a job in ensuring human rights, Risse, Ropp and Sikkink’s (1999) ‘winding model’ and whether it builds up a general hypothesis of human rights change and the idea of human security and whether this can possibly sabotage human rights. These give fundamental research in the field of human rights and is essential as it goes further in its comprehension of human rights and states conduct. Probably the greatest inquiry that emerge as far as human rights, is whether universal human rights instruments genuinely work in ensuring and advancing human rights. So as to decide this, watching nations that have endorsed settlements and affirmations is significant as it can help measure the adequacy of such instruments. While some human rights backers might be careful of these tests, this kind of examination can offer bits of knowledge into the comprehension of human rights. Tests regularly have three significant attributes: control estimations, control of the autonomous variable, and irregular task to condition (McDermott, 2002). Utilizing trial inquire about techniques to consider the effect and adequacy of human rights can give a clarification with regards to why rights are damaged and takes into account a potential assurance to the potential reasons for human rights manhandles. There has been a variety of tests led that help decides if worldwide human rights instruments really advance the usage of human rights into national arrangement. Linda Camp Keith (1999) perception on in the case of turning into a part state to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and its Optional Protocol affected the state’s conduct prompted intriguing outcomes. Her investigation was led on 178 nations over an eighteen-year time span from 1976-1993. Discoveries prompted the end that in spite of sanction of the ICCPR and its Optional Protocol, there was no critical distinction in conduct from states when turning out to be state gatherings to the shows. In like manner, whether or not states have confirmed a legitimately restricting show, it doesn’t really mean they are eager to oblige. This is disturbing as frequently expresses that sign Optional Protocol’s for the most part show an improvement in their human rights execution as it proposes a ‘thick duty’ to human rights (Hill, 2010; Cole 2012). This is because of the reality the Optional Protocol takes into consideration an individual objections technique which would suggest its promise to the significant human rights instrument. It might, subsequently, be excessively hopeful to assume that being involved with a worldwide instrument will significantly affect states conduct. This backings numerous researchers who propose that universal systems are naturally feeble and that they just serve a special or mingling capacity rather than an apparatus that advances rights (Donnelly, 1989; Forsythe, 1991; Opsahl, 1995; Robertson, 1981). States can perceive these shortcomings which may urge them to endorse universal contracts as there is to a lesser degree a danger to their sway or their continuation of approaches that may damage singular rights. Their sanction is subsequently only an open connection stunt as opposed to an approach to show their arrangements are changing as far as guaranteeing human rights are advanced and ensured. Political theory has subsequently featured that in spite of the fact that law endeavors to improve states commitment to human rights, it doesn’t really take a shot at the ground. Nonetheless, what the examination took into thought were the residential circumstances that may confront the state itself which has meddled with their dedication or diminishes their will to stay aware of their commitment for example national and non-worldwide equipped clash. Studies have recommended that household dangers have expanded the likelihood of state suppression because of its impedance with great administration (Alfatooni and Allen, 1991; Davenport, 1995, Poe et al., 1996, 1997). Universal furnished clash is another genuine danger which frequently propels systems to depend on political abuse so as to guarantee household request is flawless all through a highly sensitive situation (Gurr, 1986). With the different worldwide and non-universal clashes happening far and wide at the time the investigation was taken, Eastern Europe for instance, it would clarify why a few states didn’t agree to the ICCPR and its Optional Protocol as it might destabilize the legislature. In occasions of national security states regularly utilize oppressive procedures so as to guarantee that force and control are kept up. In spite of the fact that this can cause different human rights mishandles, national security is frequently observed as significant so as to keep dependabilityâregardless of whether states blame this so as to disregard rights is flawed. In any case, it is likewise essential to take note of that executing these assurances can be a long procedure. It doesn’t really imply that nations are reluctant or incapable to actualize them into their framework, it might mean the state has acknowledged these universal principles and are bit by bit following up on them. Political theory consequently permits us to see the improvement of human rights in certain states. According to Camp Keith’s discoveries human rights securities among part conditions of worldwide shows is no better than non-party states, recommending a fundamental explanation regarding why states don’t fit in with global gauges. Besides, James Vreeland’s (2008) study found that the individuals who marked the UN (United Nations) Convention Against Torture (CAT) were bound to rehearse torment. His investigation demonstrated that tyrannies that subject people to torment are bound to consent CAT than fascisms that don’t practice torment. Torment was bound to emerge when there was shared force and separated relying upon the system type. Discoveries demonstrated that majority rule governments demonstrated unassuming advancement, a tyranny that had no space for restriction had no changing impacts and states with serious fascisms indicated a more regrettable level of torment after the confirmation of CAT. This is because of the way that there are various ideological groups in serious tyrannies along these lines ideological groups use their capacity and weight systems into agreeing to the CAT (on the same page). Forcing the decision governments into confirming worldwide instruments prompts vulnerability as it doesn’t induce they are eager to oblige. Vote based states, then again, are bound to be receptive to its residents, furnish residents with devices to oust potential injurious pioneers from turning into a genuine danger and make it simpler for residents to expose endeavors of suppression around the world (Henderson, 1991; Poe and Tate, 1994). In spite of the fact that it is essential for political specialists to accommodate an away from of majority rules system â, for example, those given by Bollen (1980) or Gurr (1995) â examine has indicated popular governments which depend on common and political rights, for example, free discourse, decline an administration’s utilization of political constraint. In this way, building up what arrangement of administration a state use is crucial so as to gauge the likeliness of securing and advancing human rights. This is frequently overlooked through lawful ways to deal with human rights as it is accepted that sanctioning bargains compares to actualizing worldwide standards into local enactment. Further investigations on the endorsement of CAT bolsters Vreeland in that expresses that confirmed CAT was bound to torment than non-approving states (Hill, 2010; Cole, 2012). In spite of the fact that the above examinations were directed almo>
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