CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study

It can be noted that the first major landmark in the history of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) came in 1865—at the end of the Civil War (after the Emancipation Proclamation)—when several significant efforts were made to systematize educational facilities that would permit freed slaves to assimilate and participate freely in the society (Browning & Williams, 1978). However, the first colleges for Black students had already been established in the North before the Civil War (Cheney in 1830; Lincoln in 1856 and Wilberforce in 1856). This happened under the sponsorship of Christian missionaries who were motivated by the apparent lack of educational opportunities for the freed slaves at the time (Branson, 1978). Comparable efforts were discouraged in the South, where it was unlawful for slaves to receive education. But with the collapse of the Confederacy, activities by Northern missionaries swelled to campaign proportions as more and more colleges were built for freed men (Pifer, 1973; Jencks & Riesman, 1968). But because of inadequate monetary backing, many of these colleges and universities ceased to function by 1900.

As was the tradition, African Americans themselves played an extremely minor role in establishing, financing, and managing what was to be their institutions (Jencks & Riesman, 1968). Even with their freed status, new students were treated as second-rate, insofar as professors felt it incumbent upon them to shape students’ actions and principles. Additionally, the intellectual expectations of the freedmen were significantly small as white Southerners remained unsympathetic to the idea of educational growth among African Americans. According to Flemings (1984), the first students enrolled in HBCUs were perceived to be different from students in other colleges and universities: they were deemed the uneducated products of slavery that had not attained the standard qualifications for attendance into a higher education institution.

Many of the colleges were designed to train black preachers and other clergymen, but because of the small number of qualified clerical students, most of the colleges became de facto teacher’s institutions. Flemings (1984) reports that these institutions were colleges in name only, consisting of elementary and secondary school departments. A small number of them developed complex curricula and started giving Bachelor of Arts degrees after 1865. Liberal arts curricula were accessible in these colleges to help African Americans become fully participating citizens (Browning & Williams, 1978). According to the United Negro College Fund’s senior vice president Dr. Karl Reid (2008), HBCUs account for about 28% of all degrees accredited to African Americans in science, technology, engineering and mathematics. In addition, these institutions account for 34% of degrees awarded in the fields of microbiology, mathematics and physics. These statistics underscore the importance of HBCUs in America’s education system and job market.

Students attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) consider these institutions an ideal choice as they continue to provide essential services, especially in motivating black students (Benavides, 1996). Benavides (1996) notes that over 30 percent of black students who enroll in colleges consider HBCUs as ideal. However, many African American students in California have shifted to local colleges and state universities (Kerr, 1999). Fleming (1984) noted that some institutions of higher learning have failed to convince the world about their value, mainly because of challenges in documenting the somewhat intangible service they provide. Fleming further noted that, until recently, major studies of HBCUs have been concerned with endowment, educational facilities (classrooms, laboratories & libraries), faculty and administrative salaries, and student services. For this reason, most HBCUs have failed to compete effectively with the predominantly white institutions (PWIs), including those in California.

According to Shropshire (2011), black students have not realized how important HBCUs are in educating black students in the disciplines of mathematics and the sciences. Even though these institutions record low enrollment rates, they exhibit higher graduation rates than their white counterparts. Therefore, the core issue that needs to be addressed is whether HBCUs are relevant to African American students in California. Fleming (1984) says that the impact of college environments on student performance (especially African American college environments) have not received adequate attention from the research community. This can partly be due to the fact that the strengths of HBCUs may be too restrained or too subtle to be captured by data. An existing belief is that the phenomenon can only be looked at through the use of anecdotes.

Problem Statement

Black Colleges and Universities were established with the primary objective of edifying and empowering the people of African descent. Over the years, these institutions have grown in importance and enroll 16% and graduate approximately 20% of all African-Americans who attend college. The main reason why HBCUs draw many African American students is the empowering, family-like environment of small classes, close faculty-student relationships, and life without the daily racial tensions experienced off-campus (Gasman & Bowman, 2011b). Gasman & Bowman (2011b), further notes that the growth in college enrollments of HBCUs has leveled off in recent years as HBCUs compete for students with the better-funded historically white institutions. According to Gasman & Bowman (2011), HBCUs lack good marketing strategies for their courses and consequently face stiff competition from historically White institutions. This is also possibly due to the lack of awareness, through research, on the ability for the HBCUs to serve the needs and interests of the Blacks in this country. This kind of information would market the HBCUs and the role they play, as well as foster more enrollments to serve more blacks from in California, where there is no HBCU.

Purpose Statement

The purpose of this study is to establish the effectiveness of HBCUs in serving the interests and needs of black native Californian, who choose to attend and graduate from a HBCUs as an undergraduate verses those that attended and a college in California such as the California State Universities and University of California intuitions for their undergraduate studies. This will be achieved through studying such variables as undergraduate student experiences, career preparation, career advancement, and post graduate advantages of black students native Southern Californians from attending HBCUs, before proceeding to other institutions in their home state.

Importance of Study

This research study may have significance for several constituents in the American society. One major group that will benefit from the findings of this research is HBCUs presidents and administrators. The findings from this study may prove to be a source of important information. These findings can be used by the HBCUs administration in developing effective means of enhancing the quality of education that might account for their mission and purpose. This suggests that the findings from the research can be useful as a marketing tool for these institutions. HBCUs executives can use the results of this research to advocate for new funding mechanisms that will contribute to the aspirations of HBCUs. This research will also provide vital information that will help students make accurate assessments of HBCUs and the benefits that they may gain by attending them as an undergraduate and then the benefits of returning to their home state for their graduate studies. Thus, the findings are useful in the decision making process for black students native Californians, together with their guardians in terms of the college or university of choice, and generally on the quality of education they would want to acquire. It is thus important that such a study is carried out that it may be beneficial to the society and potentially advocate for the HBCUs and California colleges and universities. The findings of the study might also play a very important role in terms of policy making in education of the Blacks in this country. The findings will inform national debates surrounding Black colleges as well as the social constructs that continue to devalue their status within the American society. The findings may also be a strong basis for decision making, on whether to retain the HBCUs, restructure, or abolish them, based on the evidence or lack thereof, of their effectiveness in addressing the needs and interests of the black students and the society at large.

Source: (HBCU Digest, 2013).

Definition of Terms

A number of important terms as used in the study are defined:

African American (Black): Any person having origins in any of the racial groups of Black Africa (Allen, 1992).
Historically Black College and University (HBCUs): Constantine (1995) defines HBCUs as institutions of higher learning established with primary mission of educating African Americans

Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs): According to Gibbs (1974) PWIs are institutions of higher learning where the student body is majority Caucasian American.

School Experiences: Are the events or activities in which one takes part in at school and help shape individuality (Allen, 1988).
Career Preparation: Encompasses all the activities which prepares college students for job market or job related requirements (Kerr, 1999).
Career Advancement: Includes all the activities which lead to promotion in the work place or expansion of roles and responsibilities (Kerr, 1999).

Post-Graduate Opportunities: These are the job markets or openings available for post-graduates (Thompson, 1978).

Theoretical Framework

A theoretical and methodological framework for the current study is provided by institutional effectiveness model (Kim, 1995, 2001), for examining whether there is a difference in terms of students’ outcomes of degree completion in attending HBCUs. In her dissertation research, Kim (1995) used, and expanded Astin’s input-environment-outcome model in studying the institutional effectiveness of women-only colleges on a number of intellectual as well as ethical outcomes. Using a multi-level modeling perspective, the author did not only try to systematically distinguish characteristics of global college from the characteristics of internal college, but also placed an emphasis on the concurrent effect of college-level culture, structure, as well as opportunities, together with individual-level actions and experiences. The blend design of the two models, the institutional effectiveness model and multi-level modeling is useful in examining the effectiveness of HBCUs on the development and achievement of student (Kim, 2002). Kim’s institutional effectiveness model will be explored further in the following sections (literature review and methods sections).

Research Questions

The following four research questions will guide this study:

What are the school related experiences of the graduates at a historically black college as an undergraduate compared to those that experienced graduating from a public or private university undergraduate program in California?
How did the perceptions of black graduates of historically black colleges and universities regarding their undergraduate college program career preparation compare with the perceptions of black graduates of public or private colleges and universities in California for their undergraduate school program?
How do the perceptions of black graduates of HBCUs and those black graduates of a public or private colleges and universities in California compare regarding post-graduation advantages associated with their undergraduate program experience?
How do the perceptions of black graduates of HBCUs regarding post-graduation advantages associated with their undergraduate program experience compare with the perceptions of those black graduates of a PWI in California regarding their undergraduate program experience?

Delimitations

This study is delimited to Black students who are (a) graduates from HBCUs, (b) in four year colleges, (c) in the state of California, (d) and their experiences, career preparation, career advancement, and postgraduate advantages. Students who are not California natives or those who are in other states will not be included in the study. Two-year universities or colleges and those outside CA will not be included in the study. Therefore, focusing only on the black students who meet the study specifications is a major delimitation because the findings cannot be applied among the other demographic categories within the population.

Limitations

This section highlights external conditions which restricted the scope of the study. These conditions are beyond the control of the researcher. There is a probability that the research study will suffer from possible quality of sample composition. The study sample will not be heterogeneous because the study will focus on Black students graduating from Historically Black Colleges and Universities. The limited heterogeneity may affect the outcomes of predictor variables because some white students attend HBCUs and vice versa. Great care will be taken to ensure that these limitations do not affect the validity and reliability of the research. The other major limitation of the study is time and financial constraints, which will not allow the study to be carried out in other states. In spite of these limitations, the study is necessary as it attempts to determine indicators of career advancement that are unique to HBCUs.

Assumptions

Educational quality is a subjective concept that is based partly on the opinions of those assessing it. In this regard, certain assumptions were made to ensure that this research study is a true reflection of the reality. The first assumption is that quality education can only be offered in an institution with abundant resource endowment, which have the resources to market what they offer. The second assumption is that HBCUs provide student experiences, career preparation, and post graduate opportunities that are particularly valuable for black individuals. The third assumption is that participants in the study will respond as openly and accurately as is possible. These assumptions are the key pillars upon which the research design is based.

Organization of the Study

The current study is organized into a number of five important areas. Chapter I is a critical overview of a research phenomenon study. In this section I also discussed the reasons for studying this problem as well as its significance. Chapter II is an extensive review of literature relevant to the study. In chapter II I discussed four major areas: career preparation of Blacks in HBCUs as an undergraduate verses black students at a predominantly white institution (PWI); career advancement of Black graduates from HBCUs as an undergraduate verses black students at a PWI; post-graduation advantages of Black graduates of HBCUs as an undergraduate verses black students at a PWI, and school experiences for black undergraduates in HBCUs verses black students at a PWI. Chapter III is a detailed discussion of the research design and methods used to conduct the research. Chapter IV will be a presentation of the findings of the study. Chapter V will be a summary of the study as well as a discussion of the implications of the study.

Chapter II: LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

The main purpose of this study is to establish the effectiveness of Historically Black Colleges and Universities in serving the interests and needs of black native Californians, who choose to attend and graduate from a HBCUs as an undergraduate compared to black students from other colleges in California such as the California State Universities and University of California intuitions for their undergraduate school studies. The guiding questions are:

What are the school related experiences of the graduates at a historically black college as an undergraduate compared to those that experienced graduating from a public or private university undergraduate program in California?
How did the perceptions of black graduates of historically black colleges and universities regarding their undergraduate college program career preparation compare with the perceptions of black graduates of public or private colleges and universities in California for their undergraduate school program?
How do the perceptions of black graduates of HBCUs and those black graduates of a public or private colleges and universities in California compare regarding post-graduation advantages associated with their undergraduate program experience?
How do the perceptions of black graduates of HBCUs regarding post-graduation advantages associated with their undergraduate program experience compare with the perceptions of those black graduates of a PWI in California regarding their undergraduate program experience?

This study is guided by institutional effective model, which is basically a theoretical framework that aims to connect institutional effectiveness worth the assessment of the intended outcomes for the students. There are many studies currently that are comparing HBCUs with Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs). As the basis for this study, the focus is on establishing the effectiveness of HBCUs in relations to the outcomes of the black students born and raised in California. Institutional characteristics are the main point of focus for the study. These are the main variables that will be examined throughout the study, with this section examining the literature on various areas of effectives of the institutions, such as undergraduate student experiences, career preparation, career advancement, and post graduate advantages of black students native Californians from attending HBCUs, before proceeding to other institutions in the state.

The following key variables will also be looked at: career preparation of Blacks in HBCUs and in traditional CA institution, school experiences for Black undergraduates in HBCUs and in traditional CA institutions, career advancement of Black graduates from HBCUs and from traditional CA institutions, post-graduation advantages of Black graduates in HBCUs and in traditional institutions as a graduate student.

Before proceeding with review of literature on the various identified variables, it is important to begin with a description of where HBCUs are coming from. Current statistics reveal that there are over 100 historically Black colleges and universities in the country today. According to Gasman & Bowman (2011a), these are institutions of Higher learning with a primary aim of educating blacks in the country. These institutions have developed since 1837 when their main goals to educate freed slaves to be able to read and write. As the world enters the 21^st century, alongside graduate and post-graduate degrees, HBCUs are still providing African American students with a place to acquire a sense of heritage, identity, and community, (Lenhart, Moore and Parker2011).

Before these black colleges were founded and for a long time afterwards, African Americans have faced a high level of segregation and discrimination, denying them the chance for quality education (Turner and Bound, 2003). Admission to traditionally White institutions has always been a problem for the blacks, according to the authors. This led to HBCUs becoming the main channel for provision of post-secondary education to African Americans. Presently, HBCUs must achieve their educational objective far past the ones initially set. The unique mission of HBCUs was described by former President George Bush as follows:

“At a time when many schools barred their doors to black Americans, these colleges offered the best, and often the only, opportunity for a higher education” (Malhotra & Vlahovic, 2011, p. 444).

There has always been a dilemma in the educational sector that has affected the American society mirroring a testimony of under-representation of students from minority communities in colleges as well as universities in the country (Malhotra & Vlahovic, 2011). According to Lenhart, Moore and Parker (2011), African American students have historically encountered significant impediments in their pursuit of education particularly from high school level to college. In this context, it is imperative to reflect on the contributions of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) to the career progression of African Americans from California. At the same time, HBCUs represent a very important component of higher education in the United States (Historical Origins of HBCUs, 2010).

Source: (www.diversityweb.org/Digest/vol8no1/chart1.jpg).

According to Turner and Bound (2003), in the advancement of higher education in America, significant developments in legislation have ventured towards the promotion of African American access to and achievement in higher education. For instance, the 1890 Morrill Land-Grant College Act initiated the establishment of Black colleges where African Americans would access undergraduate education mainly in the southern states. This Act strictly barred the allocation of federal resources to states that failed to offer separate room for African Americans, if the main state institution deprived African Americans the right of admission (Gasman & Bowman III, 2011b).

In the past, HBCUs epitomized fledgling institutions that had a mandate to educate the most excellent and brightest African American students in the U.S. (Gasman & Bowman, 2011a). In the present day, HBCUs embody a wide-range of institutions of higher learning that bring together scores of the top African American high school graduates, prepare them for college, and groom them to take up positions of great responsibility in the society upon college graduation (Gasman & Bowman, 2011b).

Overview of the 1890 Morrill Land-Grant College Act

In the current age as argued by Malhotra & Vlahovic (2011), major barriers to provision of education to blacks through HBCUs have been eliminated by the law. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2011), the 1890 Morrill Land-Grant College Act discontinued funding for all established land grants that utilized color as a fundamental requisite for admission, with no separate college for students of African American descent. Consequently, a few colleges which were mainly annex campuses of the formerly established land grants of 1860 were founded. The norm was that the main campus kept approximately 95 percent of the federal support, and the 1890 land grant school received an allocation of the outstanding five percent. This contributed significantly towards the several shortcomings these schools faced, mainly with regard to the allocation of federal resources. Milakovich and Gordon (2001) assert that a key element of the 1890 Morrill Land-Grant Act stipulated that a school established under the state’s land grant should not exhibit prejudice against students of African American descent. On the other hand, the Act stipulated that a state had an option to set up two land-grant schools where one would cater for students of African American descent and the other would cater for white students, and still be consistent with the law (Gasman & Bowman III, 2011b). Since the Southern law and practice necessitated separate educational facilities, border and southern states embarked on the establishment of black land-grant schools. The rationale in this case was to enhance federal support for whites rather than the promotion of educational prospects for African American students (Ibarra, 2000). This led to a scenario where white schools received more support for classical studies, while black schools continued being inclined towards remaining as vocational schools. Consequently, this contributed significantly to the higher educational division between the African American students and their white counterparts (Ibarra, 2000).

Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs)

HBCUs epitomize the sole institutions in the US that were established primarily for the exclusive rationale of educating African American citizens (Ervin & Davenport, 2008). Ervin & Davenport (2008) further argue that in the present day, several policymakers continue to challenge the significance of HBCUs on the premise that these institutions of learning are ineffective in the contemporary integrated system of higher learning. This has however been the common practice since the conventional ‘white only’ colleges and universities started admitting minority students (Ervin & Davenport, 2008). The Freedmen’s Bureau under the federal governments was instrumental in the establishment of the HBCUs with backing from mainly white abolitionist missionaries as well as Northern philanthropists who either intended to convert the blacks into Christians or train them to work in their industrial ventures. However, under the African Methodist Episcopal Church, African Americans were able to establish HBCUs (Turner & Bound, 2003), such as schools like Paul Quinn College.

According to studies conducted by Gasman and Bowman (2011a), currently there are approximately 100 HBCUs that enroll above 11 percent of African American students in the US, yet the HBCUs represent below three percent of universities and colleges in the country. Currently, HBCUs present rigorous academic curriculums, culture, and a rich history. They also train scholars for leadership to prepare them for their life after graduation (Ibarra, 2000). Consequently, HBCUs are, in the modern day, regarded to be among the top educational systems where students of African American descent or any other race can be able to obtain high quality education (Gasman and Bowman, 2011a). According to Ervin & Davenport (2008) HBCUs signify roughly three percent of the country’s higher learning institutions and majority of African Americans who enroll in these institutions acquire undergraduate degrees successfully. As Lenhart, Moore, & Parker (2011) assert, over 50 percent black professionals graduate from HBCUs, as well as public school educators. Studies have demonstrated that HBCUs maintain a distinctive legacy to the explicit needs of youthful African American minds (Turner & Bound, 2003). This is demonstrated by the effective capacity of the HBCUs to help graduate black students who are equipped to engage competitively in the academic, corporate, military, research, and governmental fields.

It can be noted for the readers understanding that the first major landmark in the history of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) began to be developed in 1865. This was a time when several significant efforts were made to develop educational facilities that would permit freed slaves to assimilate and participate freely in the society (Browning & Williams, 1978). However, the first colleges for Black students had already been established in the North before the Civil War (Cheney in 1830; Lincoln in 1856 and Wilberforce in 1856). It happened under the sponsorship of Christian missionaries who were motivated by the apparent lack of educational opportunities for the freed slaves at the time (Branson, 1978). Comparable efforts were discouraged in the South, where it was unlawful for slaves to receive an education. However, the collapse of the Confederacy caused Northern missionaries to campaign for more and more colleges for freedmen (Pifer, 1973; Jencks & Riesman, 1968). Many of these colleges and universities ceased to function by 1900 because of inadequate monetary backing by the federal government.

Although they were free citizens, new students were treated as inferior to their white counterparts, as professors felt it was their responsibility to shape students’ principles and actions. In addition, the intellectual anticipations of the freed slaves were significantly small as white Southerners remained opposed to the idea of learning growth among African Americans. According to Flemings (1984), the first students enrolled in HBCUs were perceived to be dissimilar from learners in other universities and colleges. Apparently, they were deemed as the illiterate creations of slavery that had not qualified for attendance into a higher education institution.

Many of the colleges were designed to train black preachers and other clergymen. Liberal arts curricula were accessible in these colleges to help African Americans become fully participating citizens (Browning & Williams, 1978). According to the United Negro College Fund’s senior vice president Dr. Karl Reid (2008), HBCUs account for about 28% of all degrees accredited to African Americans in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (Pifer 1973). In addition, these institutions account for 34% of degrees awarded in the fields of microbiology, mathematics and physics. These statistics underscore the importance of HBCUs in America’s education system and job market. Although most black students performed poorer than their white counterparts, it was a step in the right direction. This aspect is because, prior to the introduction of HBCUs, very little was being done to educate the black race.

Learners in Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) considered these institutions ideal choices as they continued to provide essential services, especially in motivating black students (Benavides, 1996). Benavides (1996) notes that over 30 percent of black students who enroll in colleges consider HBCUs as ideal. However, many African American students in California have shifted to local colleges and state universities (Kerr, 1999). Fleming (1984) noted that some institutions of higher learning have failed to convince the world about their value, mainly because of challenges in documenting the intangible service they provide. Fleming further noted that, until recently, major studies of HBCUs have been concerned with endowment, educational facilities (classrooms, laboratories & libraries), faculty and administrative salaries, and student services. For this reason, most HBCUs have failed to compete effectively with the predominantly white institutions (PWIs), including those in California.

According to Shropshire (2011), black students have not realized how important HBCUs are in educating black students in the disciplines of mathematics and the sciences. Although these institutions record low enrollment rates, they exhibit higher graduation rates than their white counterparts. Therefore, the core issue that needs to be addressed is whether HBCUs are relevant to African American students in California. Fleming (1984) says that the impact of college environments on student performance (especially African American college environments) have not received adequate attention from the research community. This situation could partly be due to the strengths of HBCUs which may be too slanted or too subtle to be captured by data. An existing belief is that the phenomenon can only be looked at through the use of anecdotes.

As a minority group in the United States, African American students could have made a lot of academic and professional progress by harnessing the availability of HBCUs. It is the focus of this study to establish the importance of HBCUs in the learning process at the undergraduate level and then evaluate the undergraduate experience and graduate experience. Like most important careers in life, academics have a great impact on the ability of a given community to access social amenities. The trend has changed, though, and many African Americans seem to be appreciating HBCUs at the undergraduate level and education in general.

Retrieved from: (http://blackoncampus.com/2007/02/12/black-graduation-rates-reach-historic-high)

Although HBCUs were established to support black students, they are no longer exclusively inclined towards admitting African American students only (Lenhart, Moore, & Parker, 2011). This according to the authors is due to the fact that the American society has become overly diverse, and there need to promote multiculturalism in society and inclusion in education. This argument is also supported by the fact that the increasing prevalence of Historical Spanish serving Institutions (HSI) originally meant to cater for the scholarly interests of Hispanic students has over the past few years seen admission increments of white students (Reid, 2008). This has been quite unexpected and has thus resulted into decreased enrolments in predominant white institutions. In an effort to explain the phenomenon, Parker (2011) contends that globalization and the increasing echelons of diversity in America have prompted white students to seek erudition on foreign languages (Gasman and Bowman, 2011). Studies reveal that HBCUs in the present day have continued to draw a substantial percentage of student populations that includes Asian, Hispanic, White American students, as well as international students. As a result of increased diversity, approximately 25 percent of HBCUs in the country have non-African American students. According to studies carried out by the National Center for Education Statistics (2011), this diversity has led to shifting perceptions in several policy making and academic platforms. Some hold that the shifting composition in the HBCUs jeopardizes the fundamental distinctiveness of institutions that establishes their uniqueness. On the other hand, others hold that by embracing diversity, these institutions become increasingly stronger through nurturing, mutual respect, as well as appreciation for African American culture amongst a wider population (Kerr, 1999). This shifting composition in the HBCUs is demonstrated by the graphical representation below that shows the undergraduate enrollment in HBCUs according to race or ethnicity.

Source: (NCES, 2011).

Student Demographics and Institutional Characteristics

Research carried out on HBCUs reveals that those matriculating at these institutions tend to have backgrounds which are far much different from those studying at PWIs. According to Kim (2002) even if on undergraduate admission tests, Blacks score far below their White counterparts even following controlling for parental level of education and family income, African American students at HBCUs have been showed to have lower high school GPAs as well as SAT scores when compared to their Black counterparts studying at PWIs, as well as with all students in the country. African American students studying in HBCUs have also been revealed to come from families with lower socioeconomic status compared to their peers studying in White institutions (Kim, 2002).

Not much research has been carried out in relation to the major differences in terms of institutional resources as well as characteristics between HBCUs and PWIs. However, it is suggested by Kim (2004) that just like PWIs conventionally enroll students from more affluent backgrounds compared to HBCUs, their resources are expected to be more as well. The quality of faculty, available academic programs, facilities, and chances for advanced study is also expected to be poorer at HBCUs. Nevertheless, as showed in a study by Albritton (2012), while most black students are able to successfully adjust at PWIs and the resources at the institutions are far much superior compared to HBCUs, they are less likely to perceive the institutions as addressing their needs and serving their interests, even at the graduate level.

On the other hand, HBCUs appear to compensate for what is lacking in terms of resources by offering a learning environment which is more collegial and supportive to the black students. At all institutions, retention studies of students (such as (Lenhart, Moore, & Parker, 2011; Kim, 2002) have revealed that the rate of student-faculty contacts is positively linked to academic growth of the students. student-faculty research partnerships have been revealed by Evans, Evans and Evans (2002), to positively affect the persistence of students in the institution. Their study revealed that the impact appeared strongest for black students—particularly sophomores. Milakovich and Gordon (2001) also reported that there are major benefits for African American students at institutions where they get more instructors’ mentoring, and this is more likely to happen in HBCUs. In research related specifically to African American students, it is suggests by Lenhart, Moore, & Parker (2011) that academic achievement is better for the students at the undergraduate level at a HBCUs due to a higher level of faculty staff and development of programs customized to their needs. Black students are reported to access more frequent, as well as meaningful interactions with faculty (both White and Black) at HBCUs as opposed to PWIs. Kim, (2004, p. 120) also suggested that African American students at HBCUs are “more actively and deeply involved in the academic community” at the undergraduate level compared to the Blacks at PWIs. This practice continues at after graduation into their graduate studies, where the California intuition the student is studying at, benefits.

Effectiveness of HBCUs

Literature review for this section will be based on the theoretical framework already identified. It will also be based on the adult learning theory to show the effectiveness of HBCU’s in terms of apprentice erudition (Albritton, 2012). The institutional effectiveness model (Kim, 1995, 2001) is the model that informs this study.

Selected variables

There are several variables that are used in the measurement of this effectiveness, as already identified: undergraduate school student experiences, career preparation, career advancement, and post graduate advantages. However, up to date, there is still limited research related to the impact of studying at HBCUs as opposed to PWIs on academic success of Black students, and the little research done has presented mixed findings.

The study by Kim (2002) revealed no momentous differences in terms of academic and cognitive abilities related with studying in either of the two types of institutions. With the use of a national data set, Kim (2002) revealed that there is no noteworthy difference between PWIs and HBCUs in their capacity to influence the general academic capability, writing capability, and mathematics capability of the students. However, Gasman & Bowman III, 2011b) revealed a greater level of cognitive ability, particularly among Black females in HBCUs. It was reported by Turner and Bound (2003) that students at PWIs tend to perform well or even better compared to their black peers at PWIs in terms of standardized measures of science reasoning and writing skills. There are various other studies that have revealed that Black students at HBCUs tend to get higher grades and tend to have greater aspirations compared to their Black peers at PWIs (Kim, Rhoades & Woodard, 2003; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005).

According to Lenhart, Moore, & Parker (2011), pioneer American colleges and universities such as Yale and Harvard did not create opportunities for universal access to higher education. Most of these institutions were established with the principle mission of producing a stable upper class society (for the whites) in order to maintain a stratified social order (Lenhart, Moore, & Parker, 2011). As a result, members of the Black community could not attain any meaningful education which could equip them with necessary skills and knowledge to take up mainstream careers (Banks, 1972). Nevertheless, the persistent increase in enrollment rates for African American students in predominantly white colleges in the 1960s marked a turning point for these historical colleges. Until then, racial segregation barriers made it impossible for African Americans to attend white schools in the South. Few Northern state institutions were enthusiastic about enrolling African American students, partially because of the white society’s stereotypical ideas about African Americans’ inability to benefit from higher education and partially because of the social stigma attached to the African American presence in white society (Gurin & Epps, 1975). With so many African American students exercising their right to attend predominantly white schools, especially in California, the discussions over the role of HBCUs has transformed itself once more, this time with the question, “Do historically black colleges and universities provide a valuable purpose in a society that strives for integration in educational environments?” (Gurin & Epps, 1975) and if so, is there one needed in the West?

HBCUs possess increasingly diverse faculties that provide their students contact to high-quality education and teachers with wide-ranging backgrounds. It follows that the faculty members are fundamental to the institutional culture. However, in spite of several impediments, faculty members at HBCUs exhibit exemplary mentorship and hold a long-standing repute for empowering and encouraging African American students who demonstrate interest in graduate as well as professional programs mainly, but not restricted to science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, commonly referred to as the STEM fields (Gurin & Epps, 1975). Studies conducted by Kim (2002) endeavored to inform educators, students, as well as policymakers concerning the outcomes of African American students attending HBCUs on degree completion. The study revealed that attending a PWI or an HBCU may leads to a similar likelihood of acquiring a Bachelors of Art degree. The preliminary analysis demonstrated that the average rate of degree completion was not substantially different between PWIs and HBCUs. The study also demonstrated that college GPAs of black students were not different between the two categories of institutions. It is also evident from the study that a higher percentage of black students at HBCUs worked in collaboration with the faculty on their studies. This implies that HBCUs may present increased academic prospects to black students.

The findings are consistent with studies conducted by Turner and Bound (2003), which also demonstrated that institutional educational support is significantly prevalent at PWIs that also leads to a higher degree of students’ scholarly preparation. It follows that interactions between faculty and students that engage in African American students academically, for instance, involvement in research projects, can be increasingly significant and influential for black students’ degree achievement. According to Ibarra (2000), this is in contrast to the case in traditional California institutions, in reference to career preparation of African American students where the interactions between faculty and student are less purposeful. Consequently, black students’ opportunities for participation in research projects, as well as career preparation, are increasing productivity on HBCU campuses where they are still increasingly liable to be marginalized in contrast to students in traditional California institutions. It is essential to mention that at present, African American students are adjusting to traditional California institutions in a better manner than over the past decade. This is informed by the changing discriminatory environment often linked with PWIs (Turner and Bound, 2003).

Studies conducted by Cole and Barber (2003) demonstrated that the attainment of cross-cultural skill in communication, the nurturing of care for other disadvantaged groups, and the pursuance of social justice through leadership as well as membership in student organizations are reported in majority of African American students attending HBCUs. While majority of students are able to obtain opportunities for this form of cultural identity advancement in the traditional and common white student organizations, the principal African American groups offer them a substitute platform to deal with African American issues, interact with other black students, and instigate dialogue and networking devoid of the sentiment of tokenism.

From the point of view of retention as well as graduation from college, Pascarella & Terenzini, (2005) revealed that studying at HBCUs is positively related to the chances of students remaining in school and getting a bachelor’s degree. The National Longitudinal Study of the High School Class of 1972’s data was used by Kim (2002) that revealed that African American students attending HBCUs are more likely compared to those PWIs to attain a bachelor’s degree and move on to a graduate degree. Various other researches on HBCUs have just cited the affirmative results of the few studies done in this area.

Adult learning theory

According to this theory, review of literature indicates that this theory is an effective platform for measuring the effectiveness of HBCU’s because of its ability to demonstrate various aspects underlying the capacity of adults to learn best under specific circumstances (Albritton, 2012). HBCU’s have been effective because of their ability to offer internal motivation and self-direction to students. Review of literature indicates that the lone fact of appreciation of people of same color by these institutions acts as a driving force to admitted students consequently making them more focused on their erudition endeavors because they seldom spend time trying to fit into a disapproving society (Peterson et al., 1979). Moreover, the theory also argues that learners do better in environments where they feel respected (Parker, 2011). As such, the institutions have constantly provided black and African American students their due respect thus increasing their feeling of relevance and in turn making them more goal-oriented in terms of academic pursuits (Parker, 2011).

Review of literature also indicates that HBCU’s have achieved one of the most ignored aspects of education by the predominant white institutions; which are the provision of resources such as libraries, journals, and internet to apprentices (Banks, 1972). The HBCU’s have thus been more effective in equipping people of color with modern erudition resources and opportunities and this explains their prevalence over the past few years.

History of the California Institutions Higher Education System

Governor Fredrick Low merged the College of California with the state university, consequently developing UC Berkeley, in 1867. The University of Berkeley is the first university formed under the umbrella of California’s higher education system. The state of California urbanized a three tiered higher learning school system including University of California (UC), California State University (CSU), and California Community College System. In addition, California is home to many private higher education institutions such as, Stanford University, the University of Southern California and Pepperdine University (CAL.EDC. CODE § 66010: California Code – Section 66010).

The University of California system was established with the primary objective of enrolling the top performing 12-13% of high school students and ensuring that the universities are run by administrators appointed by the Regents of the University of California. The UC Regents is a group of educators appointed by the Governor who is serving at the time of appointment. The Board of Education allows one student to serve for a year’s term and the governor sits on the board as an ex-officio member. While the California Community College System is a group of higher education institutions developed where lower level, developmental classes and job training is provided at a pace, in hopes for an easy transition to one of the California colleges or universities. Graduate programs were added to schools as the school saw the need.

Charles R. Drew University of Medicine and Science is reportedly the only predominately Black College in California, according to the school’s website and named in honor of Black physician, who is well-known for his revolutionary work in blood preservation. The Postgraduate Medical School, Charles Drew University, was incorporated in August 1966. .

To make the transition a real success, several initiatives were launched in California. For instance, the California Master Plan for Higher Education began in 1960 by a group selected by the UC Regents and the State Board of Education when Pat Brown was governor and Clark Kerr, was the President of the UC organization. The plan was not racially motivated as a reason for establishment but more about the success of students of every race.

In the early 1950s, California’s leaders and academic administrators planned for the educational future of the baby boomer group approaching high school graduation. The aim of the California Master Plan for Higher Education was to:

Form a system of education accessible to all students regardless of their families’ and/or personal economic means, and
Ensure that a student’s educational progress would be influenced only by individual educational ability (Kerr, 1999).

To this end, the University of California and the California State University were expected to plan and avail adequate spaces to accommodate all Californian resident students who were eligible and likely to apply to attend an appropriate place within the system. The State of California likewise reaffirms its historic commitment to ensure that resources are provided to make this expansion possible, and shall commit resources to ensure that [eligible] students are accommodated in a place within the system.” (CA Education Code 66202.5)

The primary foundation was organized so the top performing students (12.5% ) would have the opportunity to attend a University of California campus; the top third performing high school senior would have the option to attend a California State University; and the Community Colleges System would accept all that would apply. The plan took the percentages from equating the scores of each student’s SAT, G.P.A. or ACT scores. Students from the California Community Colleges System had the opportunity to relocate to a California State and/or UC system in order to finish their Bachelor’s degree.

The Plan was the source for a sizeable surge in advance in California higher education. Currently, many people credit California universities for the position of its grasp in the world’s financial system, as well as bolstering its own fiscal makeup with great venture in high technology areas, such as Silicon Valley, biotechnology, and pharmaceuticals. These and other sectors are the backbone of the “knowledge worker” financial system, which needs knowledgeable personnel to survive (Kerr, 1999).

The college participation rate for Black Americans has fluctuated significantly over the past 25 years (Freeman, 1998). After getting to the lowest point in 1984, Black Americans accomplished a stable enrollment increase of 34.6% over the next decade, according to Freeman. Even though the progress that Black Americans posted, especially since around 1990 seemed notable, it is perceived that they continued to trail Whites in their college involvement by 1994. Roughly 43% of White high school graduates in California aged 18 to 24 enrolled into college compared with 35% for Black Americans. After demonstrating increases in attendance over the decade, in 1994 Black Americans reported the smallest percentage gains in undergraduate, graduate, and professional attendance among the four major ethnic minority groups and may have increased some 20 years later. Some studies showed that Black Americans also continued to fall behind Whites in overall graduation rates at California’s top performing universities. As a matter of fact, the gap in graduation rates among Black Americans and Whites was more than 20 percent in 1994.

School Experiences for Black Undergraduates in HBCUs and in Traditional CA Institutions

Studies conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics (2011) demonstrate that HBCUs have an average graduation rate of approximately 30 percent. This statistic has led to increased criticism of the significance of the HBCUs. When taking into consideration the graduation rates, it is imperative to note that majority of HBCU students are from Pell-Grant-eligible, low-income and first-generation social clusters students that exhibit these attributes are increasingly less liable to graduate regardless of where they go to college. It also follows that the traditional CA institutions with similar institutional attributes as well as similar student populations to HBCUs exhibit parallel graduation rates (Turner and Bound, 2003). It should also be noted that most HBCUs admit students with inferior SAT scores.

While newer studies consistently demonstrate that academic preparation is fundamental in envisaging enrollment and accomplishment in college, it is evident in older studies that institutions that serve students from low socio-economic and minority backgrounds are less probable to concentrate on meticulous, standard-based education. Consequently, these economically underprivileged African American students en bloc lack college preparation and usually exhibit low self-esteem with reference to their academics (Banks, 1972). In response to these trends, some HBCUs and traditional California institutions of higher education, especially at the graduate level, have embarked on investing a substantial amount of time as well as funding towards the development of pipeline or pre-college, and programs. These programs are intended to offer students with opportunities to prepare for the social and academic life experiences as an undergraduate. While services offered by pre-college outreach programs differ, almost all programs incorporate services that match one or more universal aspects.

According to Turner and Bound (2003), it is evident that when students view their educational setting as being inclusive and encouraging to their social and academic advancement, with reference to their performance opportunities, they are increasingly liable to succeed. The studies imply that African American students pursue vigorous out of class education experiences and achieve more or the same as white students who engage in similar forms of activities. Lenhart, Moore and Parker (2011) conducted a study in an endeavor to evaluate whether racial composition in college campuses resulted in any disparity or impact in what black students acquired from their collegiate experiences. The study involved 1200 students enrolled in HBCUs as well as predominantly white institutions (PWIs). The study revealed that participation in academic activities held a greater influence on the general experience of the students who attended HBCUs as an undergraduate, whereas social engagement emerged as more significant for the African American students who attended the PWI, as an undergraduate. Consequently, it is essential to note that out-of-class and peer interactions bear a positive influence on African American student learning as well as personal advancement, at any level of study.

Another point of view to review would be, about 60 to 75 percent of African American students are currently enrolled in predominantly white institutions (Provasnik & Linda, 2004). Yet, African Americans are still under-represented in higher education, predominantly in private and four-year public universities, and one half of all African American students are enrolled in two-year colleges (Institute for the Study of Educational Policy, 1976). Since this research was from 1976, this fact may not be true as was stated before.

The Social Sector

Furthermore, as an NAACP Tract for the Times (Gallagher, 1971) puts it: “Prior to the 60’s, most African American students on white campuses had been content to be seen, not heard (except within their own peer group). They were rarely involved deeply in campus social life, were generally excluded from membership in social fraternities and sororities and from many of the honor societies, often discriminated against in off-campus housing” (p. 13). But at the same time, African American students, being products of their times and increasing in number, were motivated by activists in civil rights movements, only to be disillusioned by a lack of progress and the subsequent martyrdom of African American leaders. Six of the nine fraternities and sororities established by African Americans for African Americans were started at a HBCU.

While predominately white campuses were accompanied by a propagation of African American student run organizations that expressed a desire for a political and racial identity within their culture. These organizations were influential in mobilizing the recruitment efforts that radically increased both the numbers and diversity of students on predominantly white in that decade.

The Faculty/Student Relationship

Research dated back to the 70s, Gibbs (1975) found that faculty and staff members expected African American students to be incorporated into the college environment without considerable time to adaptation of academic structure or programs. Staff and faculty also expected African American students to compete academically with their counterparts, regardless of the fact that many had known deficiencies in their high school years. Gibbs (1975) explains that faculty and staff expected African Americans to incorporate themselves into the socio-cultural life of the campus environment and to be thankful for the opportunity to receive an integrated education.

Later, an in-depth study by Peterson et al., (1979) validated the assumptions reported by Gibbs and also reports that while administrators expected some adjustments to follow from the new African American students, they expected the changes to take place effortlessly and without conflicts. The inappropriateness of these thoughts became apparent only after racial strains, interpersonal conflict, and a lack of corrective help or support services led to widespread protest and transferring to HBCUs. As a result of campus unrest, it became clear to many researchers at least, that African American students came to PWIs after receiving their undergraduate degree, expecting a level of flexibility in responding to their requests that would be equivalent to the flexibility with which many were accepted in the first place.

Although there is an increasing acceptance of the legitimacy of African American students’ expectations, an older study by McDaniel and McKee (1971) shows that most PWIs have been unable or unwilling to respond, whereas a newer study has been found. From a sample set of 1,168 PWIs, these authors report an unendorsed list of findings. For instance, while over 81 percent of the reporting colleges had either modified open admission policies or made special modifications for African American in admission requirements, 50 percent had agreed to academic support programs, and several had made no attempt to revise their curriculum. McDaniel and McKee (1971) reported that only 44 percent were engaged in efforts to recruit minority faculty as a way of meeting the needs of African American students. Also, as few as 8 percent of the institutions were making efforts to provide housing patterns that promoted good cultural relations, and only one fourth were providing fiscal programs for African Americans, in spite of the overwhelming financial barriers facing them. While the common mood was one of indifference toward minority tribulations, the Western states seemed to be the most responsive; like the establishment of the California Master Plan for Higher Education.

In spite of these problems, African American students are on PWI campuses to stay. The fact that better services are offered and the prospects of greater elite standing will surely not be lost on students who are just as willing to compete for graduate and professional college slots as their ethnic counterparts. There can be no question that PWIs represent the new challenge for today’s African American students. Traditionally, the task of African American students has been to achieve distinguished intellectual achievement in the face of inadequate, segregated institutions and low standards. The existing task for African American students in California is not only to enter into colleges but to perform and adjust well. So, the hope is that when African Americans master the integrated educational experience, they will gain the ability to cope in an increasingly growing California college system (Solórzano, 1995).

The historical overview of African American student participation in higher education paints a period of vibrant growth and change—growth in the numbers of blacks participating in a college education and transition from attending black universities as undergraduates to California’s PWIs as a graduate student. However, the image is mixed. The percentage of blacks participating in HBCUs education relative to those attending California schools may still not be what it could be or should be, and the rate of black graduations from colleges and universities is particularly challenging.

Affirmative Action and California

An incidence of the times was the decline of civil rights and current legal dispute of California’s affirmative action laws, which were not by chance connected to the Reagan/Bush administrations. The Reagan and Bush administrations tried to either take apart or abandon proposals intended to empower minority people and sub-groups. For instance, the Reagan Justice Department considered superseding in approximately 51 affirmative action policies in order to overturn them, even though they had been entered into voluntarily (Orfield, 1989).

Socioeconomic and demographic factors have also affected the involvement of Blacks in higher education at any level. These include: (1) there are more Blacks under the poverty line today than there were 25 years ago; (2) unemployment rates in California amongst African Americans is two and one-half times higher than for Whites; (3) the gap in life expectancy between Blacks and their counterparts has grown worse for Blacks in the past 25 years; and (4) infant mortality for Blacks has increased in the past 20 years. Despite these disturbing occurrences, Blacks have shown an increase at the master’s degree level (Orfield, 1989).

Several older studies of Black student experiences at Black colleges and PWIs including some in California suggest that many students have negative experiences at PWIs and that they suffer lower achievement and higher attrition rates than their White counterparts (Allen, 1992; Nettles, 1988). However, this older research suggest that Black students who attend black colleges experience advanced intellectual gains and have a more constructive psychosocial adjustment, a more optimistic self-image, stronger cultural pride, and aspirations that are higher than those who do not (Fleming, 1984; Gurin & Epps, 1975). Even though the 1980s had more Blacks elected to attend California schools, in the 2000s many Black American students are reconsidering black colleges because of their interest in embracing the past and tradition (Benavides, 1996).

It has not been forgotten from aged studies, that HBCUs assumed responsibility for cultivating the black community and thus were fundamentally responsible for the creation of a black middle class (Gurin& Epps, 1975; Jones, 1971). Certainly, by 1947, almost 90 percent of the college degrees held by African Americans were earned therein. By 1967, 80 percent of the Bachelor degrees were still earned at HBCUs, and as recently as 1984, over a half of HBCU graduates were from black colleges. Black colleges and universities have given the United States approximately 75 percent of all African Americans holding Ph. D degrees, 75 percent of all African American army officers, 80 percent of all African American federal judges, and 85 percent of all African American doctors (Jordan, 1975).

No one would question that most of the African American teachers—through whom teachings has passed from generation to generation—have been trained at HBCUs (Meyers, 1978). It is obvious by reviewing these historical studies that nearly all of the leaders instrumental in solving the troubles of race relations in America go back to their roots which are the HBCUs (Mays, 1978).

Even though a majority of African American students in California are now attending white colleges (Sink, 1995), there is a conviction that a considerable amount of African American students will continue to prefer predominantly black universities for more “personal” reasons. Because HBCUs have a better understanding of the problems faced by African Americans, they have already established patterns for dealing with them (Goldman, 1963). Later studies show that, in addition to economics and geography, McGrath (1965) suggests that strong psychological and social factors will cause many African American students to move toward HBCUs as an undergraduate. Pifer (1973) observes that some African Americans simply seem happier at HBCUs as an undergraduate. Similarly, Gurin & Epps (1975) maintain that many African American students will still prefer to attend a university where the campus environment supports their personal growth without the intensity of conflict and seclusion experienced on many predominantly white campuses.

In addition to the societal acceptance and support that are significant aspects of young adults’ development, HBCUs still offer an ambiance in which the concerns of social consciousness are active. Research indicates that, even today, African American students at HBCUs are distinguished by their heightened sense of black consciousness (Orfield, 1989). Gurin& Epps (1975) found the amount of political activism among African American students to be underestimated by many researchers who have focused their studies on the actions of white students during the civil rights era. Additionally, some report that the temperament of black activism has been misinterpreted as an expression of separation and powerlessness rather than a look of a collectivist ideology that places the accountability for inequality on the social and financial order.

Career Advancement of Black Graduates from HBCUs and From Traditional CA Institutions

The enrollment of African Americans at majority of America’s highest-ranking universities and colleges has demonstrated substantial improvement over the previous centuries. However, a more significant statistical assessment of the career advancement of African American students in terms of higher education is demonstrated by the number of African American students who graduated through the academic pipeline and attained a college degree. According to Gasman and Bowman (2011), African American students who obtain a four-year college degree earn incomes that are significantly higher than their contemporaries who have not acquired a degree but gone through college. Primarily, African American students who go through a four-year college education hold a mean income that is almost at par with equally educated students from traditional California institutions.

Studies by Kim (2002) demonstrate that there is no substantial disparity in academic and cognitive abilities related to attending at either HBCUs or the California institutions. Through the utilization of a countrywide data set, the studies demonstrated that there was no substantial difference between PWIs and HBCUs in their capacity to influence general academic aptitude, writing ability and mathematics talent. Other studies demonstrate that African American students at HBCUs obtain higher grades and more advanced degree aspirations than their contemporaries at PWIs. With regard to retention and graduation, Lenhart, Moore and Parker (2011) asserted that attending HBCUs is positively linked with students’ pursuance of college and obtaining a bachelor’s degree. These studies also demonstrate that African American students attending HBCUs are increasingly likely to obtain a bachelor’s degree in comparison with African American students at California institutions. These findings have also been collaborated by several studies concerning HBCUs.

Post-Graduation Advantages Black Graduates of HBCUs and of Traditional Institutions

Graduate education continues to be one of the fundamental pointers of access to high income and prestigious professions as well as a precondition for high quality of life for African Americans. In the era of lawful segregation, academically qualified African American students who desired to pursue university degrees usually opted to go to HBCUs due to the few available options for them. Since the beginning, HBCUs have evolved as vehicles for economic, social and political advancement for African Americans. Their historical effectiveness is demonstrated by the uneven number of graduates who comprise the African American university professors, judges, business elite, and congressmen, as well as among the activists and religious leaders who wage the triumphant struggle for civil rights (Barton, 2003). It is also evident that HBCUs bear positive influence on the social capital of its graduates, which is also a critical determinant of economic accomplishment. HBCUs also bear a positive influence on the rate of development of rural counties (Cole & Barber, 2003).

According to studies conducted by Feltovich and Papageorgiou (2004), despite being efficient institutions, HBCUs have recently been perceived critically as interventions in labor market that influence the wages its graduates. Ordinarily, the focus has been to explore how HBCU graduates fare in the labor market compared with African American graduates from non-HBCUs. HBCUs epitomize the attributes of institutions with total or comparative advantage in producing elementary as well as secondary school teachers. Originally, as a result of racial segregation these institutions were the main source of educators for an increasing African American population in the US. The resultant escalating demand for African American teachers presented the HBCUs with a chance to increase their production of qualified educators, as well as to develop the modus operandi for producing first-class educators on a ‘learning through doing’ basis. There was no apparent economic inducement for African American teachers to demonstrate professional eminence but professional satisfaction provided the impetus to drive this outcome.

According to Milakovich and Gordon (2001), schools may be perceived as institutions that hold social goals. These social goals entail the impartation to their graduates with distinct identities that mirror behavioral traits. Consequently, HBCUs may be perceived as institutions that impart more than skills to African American students. It is evident that black graduates of HBCUs depict an identity of self-esteem that resonates with the institution’s social goals. However, this was not the case a few decades ago as depicted by Jackson-bailey’s case of debatable loss of racial identity owing to surgeries meant to alter his black appearance in order to identify with white’s and get equal opportunities and respect (Gordon, 2001). Back then, the representation of black interest in erudition institutions was not a common thing. Nevertheless, things have taken a different turn over the years (Gordon, 2001). The overrepresentation of African American HBCU graduates in professions that are conceivably positively associated with high confidence such as university professors, congressman, civil rights activists, and court judges imply that HBCUs have exhibited a comparative advantage in nurturing self-esteem identities as well as character among African American students.

The GI Bill

Two revolutions in government initiatives, Supreme Court measures, and congressional laws significantly changed both the number of African American participants and their geographic distribution throughout American institutions of higher education. The first plan was the passage of the GI bill, which increased by the thousands the number of Black veterans able to attend college. The GI bill allowed hundreds of thousands of veterans, including Black veterans, to go to college independent of scholarship or prior educational achievement. The second plan was the 1964 Civil Rights Act. As a result of this act, more Blacks had increased opportunities to select PWIs including schools in California. By 1980s, African American enrollment in colleges and universities had risen to 1.2 million; but only 20% of these new enrollees were attending black colleges.

Graduate education continues to be one of the fundamental pointers of access to high income and prestigious professions as well as a precondition for high quality of life for African Americans. In the era of lawful segregation, academically endowed African American students who desired to pursue university degrees usually opted to go to HBCUs due to the few available options for them. Since the beginning, HBCUs have evolved as vehicles for economic, social and political advancement for African Americans. Their historical effectiveness is demonstrated by the uneven amount of graduates who consist of the African American university professors, judges, business elite, and congressmen, as well as among the activists and religious leaders who wage the triumphant struggle for civil rights (Barton, 2003). It is also evident that HBCUs bear positive influence on the social capital of its graduates, which is also a critical determinant of economic accomplishment. HBCUs also bear a positive influence on the rate of development of rural counties (Cole & Barber, 2003).

Chapter Summary

Findings from the previous research studies have shown that more initiatives must be taken to enhance the quality of education of Black students. As has been explained in the literature review and a condescend version of chapter 1, there is some discrepancy between the value of education in “inner-city” and minority high schools than that in suburban schools. Clearly, not only does financial support need to be more impartially distributed, but some teachers’ attitudes, perceptions and expectations about the abilities of Black students may want to improve. Some studies have shown that America’s system has not made any notable differences in enhancing Black student’s achievement so they may be better prepared to attend and graduate from a higher education institution. This may be because the reforms have done little to modify instructors’ viewpoints about the potential of these students.

In addition to that thought, Turner and Bound (2003), shows that it is evident that when students view their educational setting as being inclusive and encouraging to their social and academic advancement, with reference to their performance opportunities, they are increasingly liable to succeed. The studies imply that African American students pursue vigorous out of class education experiences and achieve more or the same as students that stay in California who engage in similar forms of activities.

However, while the existing studies have contributed to the understanding of the effectiveness of HBCUs on Black students, there are various limitations in the current literature. One of the limitations is the fact that there is still not much research that has been done in terms of the effectiveness or impact of HBCUs on the most important areas of academic success, such as school student experiences, career preparation, career advancement, and post graduate advantages. Also, the prevailing studies have obviously ignored potentially confusing factors which might have an impact on student outcomes. Particularly, A majority of the researches approximating the impact and effectiveness of HBCUs have controlled for variables such as academic preparation, most of the appear to have ignored other important background variables like gender and parent’s socioeconomic status, and institutional characteristics like selectivity and enrollment size-factors which might impact on the development of the student during college.

It is essential to note that out-of-class and peer interactions bear a positive influence on African American student learning as well as personal advancement despite college or university they choose to attend for their undergraduate studies.

Chapter III: Qualitative Research Design and Methods

The researcher will make use of qualitative methods of collecting data in order to investigate the undergraduate school experiences of black graduates of Historically Black Colleges and Universities who then attended and graduated from Predominately White Institution graduate school in California. These experiences shall then be compared with their experiences at the public or private colleges and universities in California for graduate school courses. The graduate schools shall be classified either as predominately white institutions (PWIs) given that there are no HBCUs in California.

Research Questions

The research questions are:

What are the school related experiences of the graduates at a historically black college as an undergraduate compared to those who graduated from a public or private university undergraduate program in California?
How did the perceptions of black graduates of historically black colleges and universities regarding their undergraduate college program career preparation compared to the perceptions of black graduates of public or private colleges and universities in California for their undergraduate school program?
How do the perceptions of black graduates of HBCUs and those black graduates of a public or private colleges and universities in California compare regarding post-graduation advantages associated with their undergraduate program experience?
How do the perceptions of black graduates of HBCUs regarding post-graduation advantages associated with their undergraduate program experience compare with the perceptions of those black graduates of a PWI in California regarding their undergraduate program experience?

A qualitative and a phenomenological methodology will be used in this research. The researcher will conduct interviews and online surveys with the participants to collect the relevant data. The data collected will include in-depth interview responses. Conducting interviews through online surveys will be the method of collecting qualitative data because the researcher will investigate experiences, views, beliefs, and motivations of individual participants. This approach will provide the researcher with the opportunity to tweak the interview environment to ascetain certain aspects that could be overlooked in the structured interviews. These include changing the environment to eliminate environmental influences on responses given.

In addition, the researcher will also use semi-structured interviews and surveys to collect the necessary data. The interviews will be partly based on structured questions and partly on the direction of the conversation. The semi-structured interviews and surveys will consist of several important questions that will help to define the phenomenon to be explored. This aspect will also allow the participants to divulge more details about their lived experiences in Historically Black Universities and Colleges at the undergraduate level and also at the graduate level. In essence, the interview questions will provide the participants with guidance on what to write about, as well as the chance to provide more details in regard to their response.

Using interviews questions will allow the researcher to provide a “deeper” understanding of the social phenomena that will be studied. In addition, interviews will give the participants an opportunity to provide detailed insights about the subject of the study. During the interview, the researcher will ask the questions that will yield as much information about the studied phenomenon as possible. The aim of this research is to address the research objectives of the study. The interview sessions carried out online will be emailed to the researcher through services such as Survey Monkey for further analysis. Moreover, the researcher will take notes whilst conducting and analyzing the interviews to have the information provided by the participants is available through the online source for future reference.

Research Objectives

This research study intended to explore the effectiveness of HBCUs in serving the interests and needs of black students born and raised in California. In essence, the study will focus attention on those who choose to attend and graduate from HBCUs as an undergraduate. The same individuals then chose to attend and graduate from PWI colleges in California such as the California State Universities and University of California institution, and private universities for their graduate degrees.
To find out the undergraduate school experiences through the eyes of the black graduates of Historically Black Colleges or Universities compared to their experiences at a public or private colleges and universities in California for graduate school? In essence, the focus is to see the similarities and differences of their experiences.
To establish how the perceptions of black graduates of HBCUs regarding their undergraduate college program career preparation compare with the perceptions of the same black graduates of public or private PWI colleges and universities in California for their graduate program?
To establish in what ways, if any, do black graduates from HBCUs perceive that their undergraduate college program contributed to their career advancement. It is also aimed at establishing how their perceptions compare with the perceptions of those same black graduates who attended and graduated from public or private colleges or universities in California for their graduate school program?
To find out how the perceptions of black graduates of HBCUs regarding post-graduation advantages associated with their undergraduate program experience compare with the perceptions of those same black graduates of a public or private colleges and universities in California regarding their graduate program.

Site

According to Creswell (1998), “Qualitative researchers tend to collect data in the field at the site where participants’ experience the issues or problem under study.” This study will take place in Southern California, with 13 males and 13 females born, raised and graduating from a high school in one of the five counties. Southern California was defined as, any city in Ventura, Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino and San Diego Counties.

This site for the interview was chosen to help show the most “optimal example of the phenomenon and the setting in which one is most likely to see whatever it is they are interested in.” (Morse & Richards, 2007, p. 75).

The individuals in this study are students of color (those of African descent) or biracial (with one parent being an African or African American). They also graduated from a four- year institution in California for their first degree and any of the 105 historically black colleges or universities at the undergraduate level. The participants “are individuals who will all have knowledge of the issue explored and could express how their lives were experienced.” (Creswell, 1998, p.122). In this sense, candidates with more relevant information will be chosen. This will in effect translate to accurate data and the drawing of the correct conclusions after analyzing the data collected.

Sample

“Purposive sampling will be employed in this study so that each research participant had experienced the phenomenon being studied” (Creswell 1998). In addition, each participant had graduated from a high school in Southern California and had one parent that was considered “African-American or African,” and had experienced the phenomenon as described. This experience on a first-hand basis might contribute immensely to the understanding of the topic at hand.

A list of up to 44 participants will be selected from the Generation X. The participants’ ages will range from 22- 40, half male and half female. The list will be drafted and coded for the purpose of managing data to be collected. The pseudonyms will be used for all participants to ensure their confidentiality. The actual names will only be known to the researcher.

Matt	OC/Grambling
Jan	OC/Hampton
Paula	( Pasadena/Jarvis)
Carl	( OC/JSU),
Gary	( OC/TSU)
John	(LA/CAU)
Erin	(Pasadena/Howard)
Lisa	(SD. Howard)

Research Methods-Data Collection

Because I may have personal knowledge about many of the participants, and to ensure that the participants feel open and free to respond about their undergraduate experience; the interviews will be conducted and recorded individually and not in a focus group setting.

Conversations with each participant will be relatively informal to receive their initial reaction of each question asked. The researcher will bear the responsibility of quickly discerning the ease with which the participants are willing and at ease when sharing information. Putting the participants at ease will be necessary for the acquisition of truthful and unbiased information and will determine when the conversations are to take in-depth informal stances whilst keeping formality in view through objective and tactful questions.

Several forms of data collection will take place including mails, face-to-face and using Survey Monkey. “Their lived world, or they lived experience is critical to phenomenology” (Morse, Richards, 2007, p. 49). The researcher will incorporate social network and my personal network such as (i.e.: Facebook Messenger and What’s App) into this study to help in the data collection since it seems that the social networking sites are the most current means of communicating and staying in contact with one another.

Data Set

Thorough interview of the subjects will pave the way for a phenomenological analysis of the data. This can be explained as a process of data preparation, organization, and analysis. Becker, 1992; Moustakas, 1994; Rossman& Rallis, 2003; Sokolowski, 2000). Through the qualitative lenses, the researcher will manage to gather data through what Creswell refers to as “protocol-an instrument for collecting data.”

The protocols include: reasons for attending college; reasons for choosing the specific college they attended; the extent to which their high school experiences affected their choice of colleges; the influence of their participation in sports in their choice of college; and if they received any kind of scholarship. Other types of protocol include their perceptions of HBCUs prior to attending them; if they would have attended an HBCU if one was in California; if they had switched or remained in the same field they were in during the period they attended HBCUs and why; and if there were any non-academic or athletic reasons why they attended a HBCU. The importance of building their social networks while graduating from high school; the influence of these networks on their choices of also comprises of the protocols. Lastly, the aspects that either enhanced or hindered academic progress at the HBCUs should then be enumerated.

Management of Data

Confidentiality of the subjects and their respective interviews will be maintained. The researcher will use social-networking sites such as Survey Monkey. A pass code security will be put on the computer where the identities are found to keep them confidential. This means that details concerning the password and other security details will be kept safely. The researcher will also store the data collected electronically on my computer system as Davidson’s suggest (1996) using a backup system that Survey Monkey provides and I will note changes made to the database. The data will be collected on flash drives, dated, labeled, and kept locked in a file cabinet designed specifically for this research project. “The system the researcher chose (use of surveys and interviews) was tailored to the task and adequate to the scope of the project and the varieties of data and analysis expected” (Morse, Richards, 2007, p. 83)

Data Analysis

Once the data is collected, analysis will begin immediately. Data for phenomenological research was primarily obtained through interview (Creswell, 1998; Moustakas, 1994). The researcher intends to use electronic means such as NVIVO for the purposes of coding and identifying themes. As such, themes and trends throughout the data will be tabulated in tables, labeled and organized so that the themes were apparent to the reader. The analysis will describe the experiences of those that were researched. The findings will be documented by using the scripts acquired from the interview processes to show their phenomenon logical experience. The purpose of the study is to help the reader “understand better what it is like for someone to experience that” (Polkinghorne, 1989, p.46)

The researcher will record and then script all interviews with subjects. For example, participant “Matt” may be highly influenced by his parents (who were both graduates of historically black colleges). They didn’t give him much of an option to pick a school that better met his desire to play Division 1 football. This valuable information will be described in detail as part of the analysis. The researcher will seek what Creswell described as “significant phrases, developing meaning and clustering” and placing them “into themes, and presenting an exhaustive description of the phenomenon” (p. 144).

This means that the researcher will ask questions such as “what influence did your parents have on your selection of college?” If the participants volunteer additional information, the researcher will record the same. Nevertheless, it is important to note that asking multiple probing questions may be an indicator of bias.

Positionality-Role of the Researcher

The reason I have a passion for exploring this study is reflected in the quote by Creswell, this study reflected the history, culture, and personal experiences of the researcher. This is more than a simple biography, with the writer or the researcher affirming about his or her background. It focused on how individuals’ culture, gender, history, and experiences shaped all aspects of the qualitative project,” (p.46-47)

I am a black woman, second-generation, HBCU college graduate, and the first in my family to pursue and graduate with a post graduate degree. I was born and raised in Orange County, California from African American parents from Gary, Indiana. My father went to college at Purdue University but did not graduate and my mother graduated from Tennessee State University (HBCU). In addition, I have an older (parental) half-brother who attended Derry College and a younger brother who graduated from Grambling State University (HBCU). Growing up in Anaheim, Fountain Valley and then San Clemente, California, being many times the only Black person in school, while having parents and a family that were very “pro-black” was a great experience. My lenses may be different than one from a city such as Los Angeles or Oakland, California. I was also a figure skating child prodigy (specifically placed to be the next black Olympic skater), with a conservative/traditional upbringing in the Church of Christ.

I entered Paul Quinn College in Dallas, Texas, (small HBCU) under a full, academic SAT scholarship after turning down several track and field scholarship offers to attend a non-HBCU school. There, at Paul Quinn College, I became a member into Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority, Incorporated (first sorority founded for Black woman, by Black women, in 1908). Thereafter, I transferred to Howard University (HBCU) where I graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in Broadcast Journalism and a minor in Theatre Arts. While pursuing my career in the Entertainment industry, I inquired about substituting at a middle school in Prince George’s County, Maryland, (approximately 90% African American). I was offered a position to teach 8^thgrade Language Arts shortly after my inquiry. I started my Master of Arts in Education program at Bowie State University (HBCU), in Maryland to fulfill my credential requirement, where I was offered a Church of Christ scholarship at Pepperdine University. I transferred to Pepperdine University where I obtained my Master of Arts in Education. I taught for Pasadena Unified School District (Blair High School, grades 7-12) for two years while completing my advanced degree. Currently am pursuing my doctoral degree in Leadership, Administration and Policy from Pepperdine University and a career in Higher Education.

My journey, experiences and struggles have brought me to this goal, to discover what the benefits would be for students of color if a higher learning institution were established in California. Had to travel all over the country to complete what I wanted to learn since I entered Howard University’s campus at the age of 16. My mother and a close friend would spend days telling me of their experiences, attending a historically black college and I was curious and intrigued.

The positionality of the researcher emanates from her ability to set aside her own experiences and focus on the data received during the research. In this way, the participants’ experiences are highlighted as intended by the research (Creswell 78). Setting aside the researcher’s personal opinion contributes immensely to the truth value of the research exercise. Journaling will be utilized by the researcher to maintain her sense of objectivity so that she continues to focus on the experiences of the participants rather than her own.

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study

Problem Statement

Purpose Statement

Importance of Study

Definition of Terms

A number of important terms as used in the study are defined:

Theoretical Framework

Research Questions

Delimitations

Limitations

Assumptions

Organization of the Study

Chapter II: LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

Overview of the 1890 Morrill Land-Grant College Act

Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs)

Student Demographics and Institutional Characteristics

Effectiveness of HBCUs

Selected variables

Adult learning theory

History of the California Institutions Higher Education System

School Experiences for Black Undergraduates in HBCUs and in Traditional CA Institutions

The Faculty/Student Relationship

Affirmative Action and California

Career Advancement of Black Graduates from HBCUs and From Traditional CA Institutions

Post-Graduation Advantages Black Graduates of HBCUs and of Traditional Institutions

The GI Bill

Chapter Summary

Chapter III: Qualitative Research Design and Methods

Research Questions

Research Objectives

Site

Sample

Research Methods-Data Collection

Data Set

Management of Data

Data Analysis

Positionality-Role of the Researcher

References

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